Author Archives: Tara Foster

Separation of Powers and Civil Liberties in the UK are now at breaking point

Please note that this article has been updated by the author to reflect one key aspect of the events of 6 August 2024.

We need to discuss, as a Party, how we are going to put ourselves forward in defence of civil liberties.

In March 2024, I, along with my girlfriend, helped a friend move from Wales to London, because we had access to a van and were looking for an excuse to meet up and hang out. On the long drive along the M4, we had several long discussions about my friend’s unique experiences, notably in refugee volunteering and work in the charity sector. These conversations have shaped my identity as a Radical Social Liberal. Suffice to say, that car journey had a profound impact on me.

Right now, as I write this, that same friend is on her way to incarceration, having been sentenced to 6 years imprisonment. She has been sentenced and jailed as a terrorist, which will have far reaching consequences for her life. She, along with her actionist comrades, broke into Elbit Systems’ site in Filton in August 2024 with the stated and public aim of dismantling weapons of war, which were being manufactured to further enable the Israeli Armed Forces to commit genocide in Gaza. These people did not set out to hurt anyone. The conviction is already precarious due to what been alleged to be an unsafe conviction. I do also wish to state, for the record, that I am only writing this now as sentencing has been carried out and reporting restrictions have now been lifted. Almost everything I have said here is echoing what has already been said by various press and public outlets.

The real kicker for me has been that despite the offence was ruled to be not terrorism, the defendants were not being tried for a terrorism offence, and the jury had no knowledge where their vote to convict would lead. Regardless of your feelings on the actions of the Filton actionists, the way their trial has been handled is highly suspect and it could be said that the CPS were seeking to make an example of them to prevent further direction against Israeli arms manufacturing in the UK.

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Protecting children shouldn’t mean abolishing their right to privacy

An alarming shift has been taking place within the Lib Dem Parliamentary Party over the last few months.  Spearheaded by MPs such as Munira Wilson, Danny Chambers, and, most alarmingly for me, Vikki Slade, we are apparently now back to advocating for a ban on social media for children and supporting a ban on images depicting nudity being stored on their devices.

I am very worried that the Party has not thought about how this could plausibly be implemented.  I fear that once this dam breaks, once we move past a “think of the children” argument over a moral panic, then the same software which this policy requires will be able to be reused for surveillance and censorship.  I worry that we are unknowingly advocating for the implementation of the sort of intrusion usually reserved for times of war, not to mention encroaching on Article 8 of the ECHR.

Article 8 of the ECHR is the famous right to privacy, which is the idea that people have the right to live their lives free from unreasonable and unnecessary intrusion from others, including the state.  Government mandated spyware would very much fall into breach of that.  This policy would require all phones to have specialist software which scans every outgoing or incoming image for signs of nudity.  Client-Side Scanning essentially turns the user’s own device into a state informant.  It breaks end-to-end encryption by scanning the image before it is encrypted, creating a permanent backdoor that can easily be repurposed for political censorship or surveillance.  This is highly problematic.  It is also very possible, and cannot be dismissed, that this image scanning software could be further weaponised to censor other things which are currently legal, such as same sex relationships and intimacy.

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A roadmap to Queer Equality

Rebuilding the trust of the Queer Community will be a long road. Yet, it is one we have now begun.

I have written before about how the Party’s reluctance to meaningfully challenge the regressive trend of queer rights in the UK has resulted in a loss of trust from the trans community, pushing many dedicated and experienced activists to join the Green Party. But, as the response from the Party to the EHRC Code of Practice has shown, there is potential to turn around this regressive trend. The Party likes to talk about our outstanding record on standing up for queer rights – from abolishing Section 28 to being the architects of the legalisation of gay marriage – and whilst our momentum has slumped recently, the leadership’s response to the EHRC code shows a welcome turn in the right direction.

With this in mind, I have some suggestions for the Parliamentary Party on how we can play out part in resetting to the pre-2025 status on queer rights, and how we can go further. Britain was once the best in Europe for LGBTQ+ rights, and we can take that place again.

  • Our MPs have 4 slots available to them from this Sessions private members bill ballot. One of these must be allocated to a bill that changes the law to make the Equality Act’s definition of sex trans inclusive, as well as removing transphobia (gender critical beliefs) as a protected belief. The UK’s system of gender recognition must also be repaired, de-medicalised, and further empowered to ensure a genuine legal threat exists against those who would endanger trans people by outing them.
  • Consensus must be reached on the approach to protecting and supporting transgender children. We know that the suicide rate is rising and is under-reported. We know that the puberty blocker ban is wrong, having been widely discredited by global medical bodies. It’s time for our MPs to take the evidence-based approach, to dismiss the Cass Review for the unscientific shambles which it is, and advocate for a return to affirmative and clinician-led healthcare.
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“Politically Stagnant” – Local Elections 2026 reflections

This election has revealed issues with the Party’s messaging approach, policy approach, and electoral distinctiveness. These need to be reckoned with very soon if the Party is going to remain relevant.

This election cannot be regarded as a victory

Many senior figures are calling this a victory. That we have “held off Reform, won more councillors than the Greens, and trounced the Conservatives.” – quoting directly from Ed Davey’s Instagram page. This take feels detached from reality.

We haven’t held off Reform; despite only gaining overall control of a handful of councils, they’ve elected over 1000 new councillors. We haven’t won more new councillors than the Greens, they’ve elected a net-gain of 441 councillors compared to our 155. In an election year where the Tories and Labour combined lost over 2000 councillors, it is appalling that we did not win more. What’s even more shocking is that many of these races were won by our opponents with far less observed work in the ward.

The Lib Dems can no longer depend on the progressive vote

In many inner-city areas, the Lib Dem campaign put in a monumental shift. People I personally knew in those areas spent the last year canvassing and delivering yet found themselves really struggling on polling day. In one area where I had fully anticipated a LibDem win, we ended up coming third. The Greens, who had done no serious work in the ward, came second, and the Labour incumbents held on. Many of our wins were holds, suggesting that we enjoy incumbency bonus, but there is little penetration of our messaging, despite all this work. Months of work yield little meaningful payoff, and our candidates come away demoralised and defeated. In summary, in the eyes of progressively minded people, the Lib Dems are no longer perceived as a progressive party and cannot command a tactical vote sufficient to dethrone Labour and hold off Reform.

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What is the point of LibDem Conference?

On Tuesday, a somewhat cryptic message went up on Lib Dem social media promising a “big announcement” at 09:00. Naturally, expectations were raised. When a Party primes its members and supporters like that, you assume something substantial is coming — a major defection, implementation of a flagship policy passed by Conference, or a decisive shift in direction.

Instead, what we got was… rebranding the Treasury as the “Department of Growth.”

A dull, inoffensive, and uninspiring ghost of New Labour if ever I saw one.

We’re told its functions will be reorganised and the whole department relocated to Birmingham. For a policy supposedly rooted in growth, this sounds like a costly exercise in administrative musical chairs. Moving a major Whitehall department is not cheap.  Rebranding is not cheap.  Structural upheaval is not cheap. If the goal is efficiency, this feels like a curious starting point.  And, I’m not going to lie, naming it the Department of Growth (DOG) sounds concerningly close to Elon Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE), and the last thing we need to do is to follow Labour into echoing MAGA slogans—though, at least, we haven’t paired red baseball caps with our resemblant new slogan. To me, it all sends entirely the wrong message.  

But, on top of this being a confusing policy move, the way this has been handled and communicated undermines the fundamental democratic foundations of the Party.  

As Liberal Democrats, we pride ourselves on being member-led and listening to our members.  Our Federal Committees, Federal Council, and Federal Board are formed of members who are elected to their positions.  They’re accountable to the membership and can be removed by the membership.  Meanwhile, policy is debated, amended, and adopted at Conference through a 1 member, 1 vote.  We all acknowledge that this is not an optional extra—it is the democratic heart of the Party and is what sets us apart from Reform, the Conservatives and in more recent years, the Labour Party.

So I am genuinely confused as to why this announcement has been presented as settled Party Policy when it does not appear to have been passed through Conference. Conference exists for a reason: to ensure that members, not just the Parliamentary Party, determine the Party’s direction. If we circumvent that process, even for something that might seem technical or presentational, we chip away at what makes us distinct. 

I have a massive problem when the Parliamentary Party just does stuff, and unilaterally writes its own brand new policy, rather than applying their own initiative to implement policy.  Not to bang the same drum, but I do find it suspect that very little noise is being made in the Parliamentary Party about recently passed Party Policy such as Free to Be Who You Are, as well as the several historic conference motions passed on Universal Basic Income.  It remains clear that Conference-approved policy is not treated as gospel, but as advisory rather than authoritative. 

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Why banning social media for under-16s would harm queer young people

Social media is a problem. It is addictive, it has damaged attention spans, and with the rise of AI bots it is increasingly polluted by content that is fake, manipulative, or actively harmful. These are real issues, and they deserve serious policy responses.

That said, my view on this is simple: a blanket ban on social media for under-16s – especially in the world as it currently exist – is a bad idea. Worse, it risks causing serious harm to one particular group of young people: queer children.

For many queer children, being different in who you are comes with a price that we cannot shake: the quiet but constant cost of standing out in environments that still reward conformity and punish difference.  I was one of the lucky ones. I went to secondary school in a fairly affluent part of Eastbourne, and by the end of Year 9 most of the queer and neurodivergent students (a Venn diagram that is practically a circle) had found each other and formed one social group—loosely shepherded by an equally neurodivergent head of music.  

However, I know many people, including several friends and, indeed, my partner, who were not so lucky, and being a young queer kid led to social ostracism – and not just at school.  Some people in my social circles had their teenage years in the New Labour era, before the axe of austerity led to the end of most council-run Youth centres.  However, they have told me that even with the existence of these essential third spaces, they were not places they could go.  Queer kids got beaten up.  If you were gay or trans then there wasn’t a hope in hell of being accepted by your peers, not that the aftershocks of Section 28 made this any better.  

(As an aside, If you want an excellent insight into what it was like to grow up queer in the UK, I’d strongly recommend watching What It Feels Like For A Girl – which is based on the memoir by Paris Lees.)

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Reclaiming radical hope: lessons from New York

What can the Liberal Democrats learn from Zohran Mamdani’s clean sweep victory of the NYC Mayoral Race?

This week, American Democrat Zohran Mamdani ended a year-long campaign with a decisive victory in the New York mayoral race, winning over 50% of the vote on record turnout. For progressives across the Western world, it was a breath of fresh air: a politics of hope had won. That same evening, at my local party’s AGM, we heard from Martin Tod, the Liberal Democrat candidate for the newly created Hampshire and the Solent Combined Authority. One line from his speech has stayed with me:

Being a Liberal Democrat means always being unhappy with the status quo. That’s hard when you’re the incumbent, but it’s essential.

I have long argued for a politics of hope. That conviction has only strengthened since the election of the 2024 Labour government, when the optimism of “things can only get better” gave way to the weary realisation that “these lot are just the Tories in red ties.” The status quo feels unchanged. Starmer and Reeves promised to repair fourteen years of Conservative austerity, yet little meaningful progress has followed. Disillusioned voters, desperate for something different, are drifting toward Reform UK – a party whose rhetoric increasingly echoes the dark language of Mosley-era politics. Reform demonstrably is not offering hope, but it is offering change.

A politics of hope is exactly the fight Mamdani waged in New York. His campaign insisted that things can and should be better, even under the tightening grip of the Trump regime and relentless media attacks branding him a socialist. Yet, in my view, his platform was not Democratic Socialism – it was a kind of Radical Social Liberalism, the kind of politics the UK desperately needs: energetic, positive, and disciplined on the issues that truly matter to people, however controversial. We need a Liberal Democrats who are unapologetically and loudly Pro-Palestine, Pro-Trans, and Pro-Protest – just as Mamdani was – while maintaining that same message discipline. Throughout his campaign he spoke in Spanish, Arabic, and English, presenting himself as a relatable everyman who could see, and name, the deterioration of the status quo. His message focused on halting and reversing the soaring cost of living in America’s largest metropolis.

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