Rodney Berman and Joe Carter selected for Cardiff Westminster seats

The Welsh Liberal Democrats have selected former Cardiff Council leader Cllr Rodney Berman (left) for the Westminster seat of Cardiff East, and Cllr Joe Carter (right) has been selected for Cardiff North.

Cardiff as a key battleground in the Lib Dem fightback in Wales and selecting these big hitters is a signal that we offer voters a real alternative to Labour in the capital.

Rodney led Cardiff Council between 2004 and 2012 and has a long record of standing up for the city. He said:

I’m proud to be standing again for the people of Cardiff East. Labour keeps telling us this is as good as things get. It isn’t. Under Jo Stevens, our nation’s capital has been left behind.

In her time as Secretary of State for Wales, our voice was quietly diminished. She failed to stand up for Wales when we were owed our fair share of HS2 funding. And when residents rightly demanded action on the crumbling Heath Hospital, she stayed silent while her Welsh Labour colleagues oversaw its decline from government in the Senedd. People here deserve far better than being taken for granted, and I’ll take that message to London loud and clear.

“Families in the east of Cardiff shouldn’t lose their Welsh-medium secondary school, and patients and staff shouldn’t lose a vital link to the hospital. I’ll keep pushing for the Heath to be rebuilt, because many of its older buildings are in a very poor state. And I’ll be pressing the UK Government to do far more on the cost of living, including real action to bring down the impact of rising energy bills.”

Cllr Joe Carter said of his selection:

Cardiff North has been let down by Labour at all levels of government and needs a local champion. I have fought to save the Maindy Velodrome, called for a plan to fix the crumbling Heath Hospital and opposed Welsh Water’s  sewage pumping station in Llandaff North. I will fight for cleaner streets, more neighbourhood police and more money in the pockets of hard working people by raising the thresholds on when people pay income tax.

Congratulating Rodney and Joe on their selection, Welsh Liberal Democrat Westminster Spokesperson David Chadwick MP added:

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The defence of International Law in an age of impunity

In October 2026, the United States imposed sweeping sanctions on the International Criminal Court (ICC), the latest escalation in its campaign to undermine and “dismantle” the Court. The US objects to the ICC investigating or prosecuting American nationals and has also opposed its investigation into senior Israeli officials over war crimes in Gaza. The sanctions are troubling not only because they threaten the Court’s ability to operate independently, but because they expose a deeper question: does international law apply to everyone, or only to those without power? 

International law has never been free from hypocrisy. Great powers have often defended global rules while exempting themselves from them. Critics are right to point to double standards, selective enforcement and the influence of geopolitics. Yet these failures do not invalidate international law. They demonstrate why it is needed.

The modern international legal order emerged from the catastrophe of two world wars. Its foundation was a simple but transformative idea: that power alone should not determine what states may do and that even leaders can be held accountable for their actions.

The Nuremberg Trials established that principle. Sovereignty could no longer serve as a shield against responsibility. Political leaders, military commanders and officials could be judged for crimes committed in the name of the state. No one, in principle, stood above the law.

That achievement is now under threat.

Too many governments support international law only when it targets their enemies. Courts are praised when they investigate rivals and attacked when they scrutinise allies. Human rights are defended selectively. Legal principles are embraced when convenient and dismissed when politically costly.

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Social care and the triple lock

I have read the various posts about Andy Burnham’s proposals for social care and the proposed implication for the pensions triple-lock. After some decades of involvement on both issues, I thought my perspective and experience might have some relevance.

I was closely involved in the review of pensions including the Turner Review of 2006 and the resultant settlement, leading on to the triple lock in the coalition Government. I was also much engaged in the debate about social care from the campaign which led to the Sutherland Commission, then working with proponents of both majority and minority views on the Commission.  I worked with Labour Ministers throughout the 2000s in trying to devise and get agreement (crucially from Treasury and No 10) on a reform package for social care and then helped Paul Burstow as Social Care Minister to set up the Dilnot Commission. On social care, it has been a record of failure which reflects the difficulty of achieving  a satisfactory outcome.

The two key problems were and remain (1) financial and (2) political. The issue is NOT the detailed structure and operation of the care system; around the world, there is a good deal of experience of the options.  The challenge is political consent which depends on money and particularly the long-term costs of a commitment to meet needs. Governments around the world are trying and usually failing to establish a system which is both effective and involves a generally acceptable level of tax. However, the numbers involved are improving as a result of the entirely unexpected decline worldwide in the incidence of dementias associated with old age.

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Alex Cole-Hamilton’s speech to Scottish Conference

Alex Cole-Hamilton made his keynote speech to Scottish Conference last weekend. It was a very people centred, practical speech which centred Lib Dems connecting people.

Worth mentioning is that he was very positive about immigration:

So let me tell you what I mean when I talk about liberty, equality and community.

Because as liberals we believe in a Scotland that is open, tolerant and internationalist of outlook.

We believe immigration makes this country stronger. Because in Scotland more people die each year than are born. Every person who comes here to nurse, to farm, to teach, to build, is helping keep our hospitals open and our towns alive.

When others want to pull up the drawbridge, we say you are welcome here.

We could do with more of this from colleagues in Westminster.

Watch here with subtitles.

The text is below

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Tom Arms’ World Review

US Midterm elections

Since 2002 the Organisation of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has been observing elections in the U.S. On each occasion—including the hotly debated 2020 presidential elections—it has stamped the votes as “free and fair.”

The organisation’s elections observers, however, will be conspicuous by their absence, from the mid-term elections in a few weeks’ time. For the first time the Trump Administration has refused to invite them.

The State Department’s official reason for the lack of an invitation is that the OSCE “should focus its limited resources on elections where it can have the greatest impact.”

The OSCE has responded by diplomatically expressing its disappointment. Human Rights Watch, however, has been more forthcoming. Its Director, Philippe Bolopion, said: “The US has long criticised Russian and other governments for dodging external scrutiny of their elections. Now the Trump Administration is mimicking them.”

HR Watch then went onto cite several reasons to be concerned about the fairness of the mid-term elections including the possible basing of ICE agents near polling stations; plans to base Department of Justice federal election monitors and over 1,000 polling places; repeated administration claims of non-citizens voting and voter eligibility checks.

Bolopian said: The test for November 3 will not be only on who wins, but whether everyone’s rights are respected before, during, and after the vote.” He added that without external monitors, it would be harder for the international community to establish reliably whether voters’ rights had been respected.

Since 1990, the OSCE has sent observers on 470 missions. Under the Copenhagen Document of 1990, it is tasked with observing elections in its 57-member countries. The United States joins Russia and Belarus in being the only two countries to have banned OSCE observers from its elections.

Elon Musk

It is rare in history for one man—who is not a politician—to have a massive impact on the outcome of the election in the world’s most economically and politically advanced country in the world. Trillionaire Elon Musk, however, is just such a man. He is believed to have given more than $366 million to support Republican candidates in the upcoming November mid-terms.

According to a report in the New York Times this week more than $276 million of that money has poured into groups and political action committees just since July. More than $76 million has gone into his own super PAC, which is focused on seven Senate seats in battleground states, and more than thirty House races.

The Times notes that this is just the money that law requires must be disclosed. It is believed that in both this election and in 2024 Musk made seven-figure donations to candidates through so-called “dark-money”  channels that circumvent America’s incredibly lax political donation laws by protecting donors’ identities.

The money goes primarily on advertising for, as the saying goes: “It pays to advertise.” And in America during the election cycle the airwaves, billboards and newspaper columns are dominated with political advertising. It has become an accepted political fact that the prize of elected office goes to the politician who can spend the most on ads.

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Ukraine‘s plight means UK must rearm for war now, and not by ten years’ time

Crowds gather to view destruction in an Odesa residential area that included a university student residence (photo: Anna Beria, with thanks).  

We are possibly reaching the culmination point of Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine.

After almost five years of warfare, Ukrainian resilience is being put ever more to the test. Ukraine’s forces are edging forward, regaining lost land in the Donbas from Russia’s armed forces. Not winning on the ground, Putin has declared unlimited warfare on Ukraine’s civilian population to terrorise them into submission, destroying critical infrastructure and causing mayhem as winter approaches.

Ukraine’s position is being further undermined much more overtly by Donald Trump, who has just now lifted sanctions on Russian diesel in an attempt to save his neck on the US mid-term election due on 3rd November. His showdown with President Zelenskyy over this issue had led to the US denying Ukraine access to Starshield, the military version of Starlink, in a move which one Ukrainian officer said is “comparable to a nuclear strike against us”. Trump seems to have backed down but nobody knows if it will be cut again and for how long, as Trump strives to end the war on Russia’s terms so he can pursue his business deals with Putin.

Money is critical factor for all sides. The EU and Ukraine have agreed that Ukraine’s needs can be met for the rest of this year. The Ukraine parliament has just passed some anti-corruption measures which should help the Ukraine’s government’s credibility in being able to use international assistance. But 2027 is underfunded. The ascendance of pro-Russian parties across much of the EU poses a threat to future budgetary support to Ukraine. French presidential front-runner Marine Le Pen has said France will stop funding Ukraine if she becomes President. Even if US Democrats win both Houses of Congress, it is by no means assured that the US will restore funding for Ukraine, which Donald Trump can stall even if it were to pass both Houses. The outlook for 2027 is uncertain.

That is why it is more critical than ever that Russia’s frozen assets are permanently confiscated and fully deployed in support of Ukraine. This would put them out of reach of Trump’s business schemes with Russia if a settlement ceasing the war were to be reached in Putin’s favour.

If Ukraine were to fall, it would have profound implications for the UK and its European Union partners.

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Observations of an Expat: Ukraine in Trouble

Ukraine is in deep trouble. Its soldiers are holding the frontline but behind the lines there are serious problems.

Russian missiles are hitting the country’s energy infrastructure. Millions of Ukrainians are facing a bitter East European winter without heating or electricity. And American support—already shaky—is wavering even more.

Donald Trump, facing a Democratic landslide in the November mid-term elections, is ignoring the economic impact of his Iran War to blame Ukraine—and its president Volodymyr Zelensky—for the unsustainable rise in American fuel prices.

This has in turn led to lifting of sanctions on Russian oil, more attacks on  Zelensky and the temporary cuts in the vital US-provided Starshield which provides protection against Russian missile attacks.

Problems started in January 2024 when the Ukrainians first demonstrated the capability to hit Russian oil refineries with their drones. Russia is a major exporter of refined oil products and the money earned from those exports is financing Russia’s war effort. The US initially supported the attacks and they were coordinated with intelligence from the CIA. But then in  March 2024, the US position shifted and Washington  urged Kyiv to stop striking Russian oil infrastructure, citing concerns about global oil prices and possible Russian retaliation.

Then on 28 Feb 2026, the US and Israel attack Iran and 20 percent of the world’s oil supply ceases overnight as the Iranians close the Strait off Hormuz and bomb Saudi pipelines to the Red Sea. Meanwhile Ukrainian attacks on Russian refineries have increased. Between 30-50 percent of the Kremlin’s refining capacity is closed. Ukrainian attacks are affecting the ability of Russia’s industrial and agricultural wheels to keep  moving as well as its export earnings. But between them, 45  percent of the world’s seaborne energy, is carried by Russia and the Gulf countries.

Congress (including 18 Republicans) , however, is on the side of Ukraine. In early June it passes Lindsey Graham’s toughening sanctions by a comfortable majority of 226 to 159 The sanctions include additional American assistance to Ukraine. In the Senate, the bill had 60 co-sponsors. Trump  signed the Graham Act into law on 18 September.

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ALDC by-election report, 15th October

Five principal authority by-elections took place across England and Wales this week – one on Tuesday 13th October and four on Thursday 15th October.

The Liberal Democrats were defending two seats (in Wiltshire and Mid Devon), Labour defended one in Gloucestershire, Reform UK defended one in Leicestershire, and an Independent defence in North Wales.

It was an exceptional week of defensive strength for the Liberal Democrats, holding both of our contested seats with authority. In Mid Devon, we swept nearly three-quarters of the vote in Bradninch, while in Wiltshire, we halted a Conservative comeback in Salisbury Milford. Elsewhere, Reform UK’s defensive slump continued, marking over a month without a by-election victory, as Labour gained Shepshed in Leicestershire, held off the Greens in Stroud, and localist group Flintshire People’s Voice secured a landslide gain in Wales.

 

Salisbury Milford, Wiltshire UA – 15 October

In Wiltshire, the Liberal Democrats successfully held the Salisbury Milford division on Wiltshire Council following a competitive contest with the Conservatives.

The Liberal Democrats have made consistent gains in Wiltshire across the 2021 and 2025 county elections. In 2025, we ended decades of Conservative rule, becoming the largest group with 43 seats (to the Conservatives’ 37, Reform UK’s 10, Independents’ 7, and Labour’s 3) and forming a minority administration with Independent support. The Wiltshire wards of Salisbury form a bit of a patchwork with Lib Dems, Reform, Labour, Conservative and Independent councillors holding seats. Milford was gained from the Conservatives in that 2025 breakthrough with a 16-point swing.

Last night, Mac McIntyre Brown stopped a Conservative recovery in its tracks, increasing our vote share to 45.6% (+1.7%) and maintaining a solid 9.2 percentage point lead over the Conservatives. This success was compounded on Salisbury City Council, where our candidate Lawrence Gillies was also elected in a city council by-election on the same day.

Huge congratulations to newly elected Cllr Mac McIntyre Brown, Lawrence Giles and the team in Salisbury on a well-fought (double!) victory!

Lib Dem (Mac McIntyre Brown): 759 (45.6%, +1.7%)

Conservative: 605 (36.4%, +12.4%)

Reform UK: 189 (11.4%, -6.7%)

Labour: 110 (6.6%, -2.1%)

Turnout: 40.0%

Liberal Democrat HOLD

 

Bradninch, Mid Devon DC – 15 October 2026

Over in Devon, the Liberal Democrats delivered a dominant defence in the Bradninch ward of Mid Devon District Council.

The Liberal Democrats took majority control of Mid Devon in 2023 for the first time since 1999, securing 33 seats while reducing the Conservatives to just 5. When the new Bradninch ward was first contested in 2023, we won an overwhelming 82% of the vote against only Labour and the Conservatives.

While the headline vote share showed a slight decline due to a more crowded five-candidate field – with both Reform UK and the Greens standing this time – Mary Ryan hoovered up nearly three-quarters of the total vote on 72.5%. An astonishing achievement and continues our party’s remarkable defensive record in local by-elections.

Congratulations to Cllr Mary Ryan and the Mid Devon campaign team on a massive win!

Lib Dem (Mary Ryan): 476 (72.5%, -9.7%)

Reform UK: 91 (13.9%, new)

Conservative: 37 (5.6%, -0.6%)

Labour: 31 (4.7%, -6.9%)

Green Party: 21 (3.2%, new)

Turnout: 39.5%

Liberal Democrat HOLD

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What is democracy?

This is a question that can be asked of anyone, and will allow any person to receive a variant of the answer every time. Yet one idea remains clear, and that is the government operates under the consent of the governed.

As Liberal Democrats, we need to understand our namesake. We are democratic, we are a group that promotes liberalism and equality and importantly in relation to this, we promote a fairer system of voting; proportional representation. Everyone should have the right to feel as though their vote counts, everyone should feel valued as a participant in a democratic society.

But there is an issue in our country, as we can see in many other countries both democratic and non-democratic.

Apathy.

Apathy is the death of democracy, apathy is the death of freedom, justice, passion and of a country. A democratic state is not a right, it is something that must be fought for, something that must be defended at every opportunity. This fails when people look at an election and turn their attention elsewhere.

This is the critical state we must never allow to become entrenched in our society. We must never allow the population to allow democracy to pass them by.

Democracy is a sacred thing that must be a part of our everyday lives because it affects our everyday lives. If we permit apathy to flourish, and defeatism to become entrenched in our minds, then those who shout the loudest will claim the seat of power in this country and wrench power from the people to themselves.

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Pensions and social care: Ed Davey must offer more than reassurance

I am a pensioner and a Liberal Democrat. I believe in freedom, fairness and the responsibility we share to ensure that everyone can live with dignity. Those convictions are why I want our party to speak more clearly about pensions and social care.

My concern is not with Ed Davey’s commitment or compassion. It is with whether our leadership is giving people enough substance to understand the choices ahead.

As someone who served as a Southwark councillor for twelve years, including working on health and social care scrutiny, I know how closely these issues are connected. A pension provides an income. Social care helps someone wash, dress, eat safely and remain in their own home. For many older people, both are essential to independence.

Yet the political debate too often treats them separately. We hear assurances about protecting pensioners, while families struggle to arrange care, meet its costs or provide it themselves.

I want Ed Davey to explain how these commitments fit together. What should pensioners expect beyond 2030? What would a properly funded social care system provide? How would we pay for it, and how would we protect people on low incomes?

These are questions a party seeking to govern should be prepared to answer.

I am worried about my own pension, but I am also worried about the condition of social care. I do not want a debate that assumes older people care only about the amount entering their bank accounts. We also care about what happens when we become frail, when a partner needs support, or when our children must reduce their working hours to look after us.

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What is happening with the Inclusion and Faith Review?

A month ago, members of some Federal Committees were sent an email telling them that Ed Davey and Josh Babarinde were setting up an “Inclusion and Faith Review”. The text is below:

Dear all,

The preamble to our Federal party Constitution makes clear that, as a party, we reject all discrimination and prejudice based on religion or belief and that we respect the right to freedom of conscience. 

As your Party leader and President we are determined to ensure that our party always lives up to these ideals – and all of those set out in our Constitution. Our rules and processes must not hinder us in achieving our aims and instead should encourage inclusivity for all in our party.  

To that end, today we are pleased to announce the launch of our Inclusion and Faith Review. 

This Review has been commissioned to listen to members and establish how we, as a Federalised party, can ensure that at every level of the organisation we are true to our Constitution and to our members. 

We are delighted that Lord Newby has agreed to Chair this important Review. I hope you will agree with us that Dick brings vast experience to this Review and we have every confidence he will steer it well.

The Review will explore three main areas: the party’s current candidate approval, selection and deselection processes; whether they are inclusive of different faiths; and the pastoral support offered to candidates. It will examine the current complaints and disciplinary processes: whether they are fair, timely, consistent, and protect those who raise concerns. Finally, it will also look into the current training and guidance for local party officers: whether it promotes accessibility and inclusivity, including on matters of conscience at party meetings, events and via party processes that local party officers administer.

We look forward to receiving the final report, along with the practical recommendations it sets out. 

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E1 is approaching a point of no return. Parliament must act now

By now, many of us have become accustomed to the seemingly relentless escalations in the occupied West Bank. Almost daily, we hear of violent settler attacks against Palestinian communities, amid record levels of forced displacement, home demolitions, illegal outpost construction and arbitrary arrests. We must never accept this as normal, so consumed by the latest outrage that we lose sight of what these escalating, incremental developments amount to. For behind the daily violence and dispossession, Israel has been entrenching its control over Palestinian land, destroying the territorial basis for a two-state solution, piece by piece, until it is too late to reverse.

Nothing illustrates this more starkly than the E1 settlement project. The project would place thousands of settlement homes in a strategically critical area of the occupied West Bank, severing East Jerusalem from the rest of the territory and making a future contiguous Palestinian state near impossible. Indeed, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has openly said that the intention is to “bury” hopes for a Palestinian state. After decades in which E1 construction has been threatened but held back by international pressure, the project is fast approaching a point of no return, with the process of awarding construction contracts now imminent.  

In August, the Israeli Housing Ministry issued a tender for the first 1,234 of the 3,401 housing units approved for construction in the E1 area. The Israeli Attorney General has since delayed the opening of bids until after the 27 October elections. This is a delay, not a cancellation. The project remains active, and once contracts are awarded, construction will become inevitable. The coming weeks are therefore critical.

The UK has already recognised the need for stronger action. In his 8 September ministerial statement, Ed Miliband confirmed that that the UK will sanction individuals and companies that support, facilitate or profit from illegal settlements, including businesses or investors that take part in the construction of the E1 settlement.  The government also coordinated with allies on a joint statement making clear that business should avoid bidding for E1 construction tenders, or risk facing legal and reputational consequences. 

Although we cannot know the precise cause, international pressure is likely to have played a role in the decision to delay E1 construction until after the Israeli election. That is why the pressure must now be intensified, not relaxed. All those committed to preventing the devastating impact of E-1 on the two-state solution must redouble their efforts and amplify their demands. A cascade of international statements, backed by credible threats of sanctions, could well prove decisive.

The return of Parliament this week provides an opportunity to build on the strong work Liberal Democrat MPs have already done to highlight the threat posed by E1. MPs should press the government to reiterate its commitment to sanctioning companies involved in E1, encourage allies to make similar commitments, and make clear that Israeli banks guaranteeing bids for the tenders risk jeopardising their business interests in the UK and elsewhere. 

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We need a healthy and free leadership debate

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The BBC reported last Friday that Charlie Maynard, the MP for Witney, has called for a no confidence vote against Ed Davey. For me this has been a long time coming, as I have heard constant rumours circling about the wider Party losing faith in him, but for many this has been a devastating example of Party infighting which will do us little good in the long-term. However, an internal coup is nasty business for everyone involved, if you fail after launching one it can destroy your career, if you lose against one it is an embarrassing end-note to your career, (see: Starmer) so they are never usually attempted without there being a strong sense that the majority opinion will get behind it.

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‘Miriam González launches new party to take on Spain’s big two in snap election’

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Euronews reports:

Spain has a new name in the electoral race for 29 November: Miriam González Durántez announced on 10 October her candidacy for the general election at the head of Democracia21 (d21), a newly created party that will make its debut only in Madrid and Barcelona, with plans to expand across the country in future contests at the ballot box.

You can read the full article here.

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Mathew on Monday: Davey has been given a second chance. Now he must show us what his leadership is for

Ed Davey’s leadership of the Liberal Democrats has been given something of a reprieve. Some of his parliamentary colleagues have rallied around him, offering protection at a time when questions about his leadership and the party’s direction have become increasingly difficult to ignore.
But protection is not the same as vindication. And a second chance must not become an excuse for more of the same.

The Liberal Democrats cannot afford another period of drift and dither. We need leadership. We need vision. Above all, we need to know what our party is actually for.

I’ve argued before that our problem isn’t a shortage …

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The decapitation strategy

There seems to be a naïve assumption that all the problems of the Liberal Democrats will be solved by a decapitation strategy.

During my lifetime there have been 12 Liberal and LibDem leaders and during that same period we have always been told that voters don’t understand what we stand for. Yes, occasionally, voters do identify with something we stand for. Our opposition to the Iraq war for example or our support for the EU. They have also recognised stupidity like abandoning our firm pledge on tuition fees.

In 2024 I suspect our success was mainly down to being the best opportunity to kick out the Tories than any real understanding of what we stood for.

All my life, since the death of the News Chronicle, we have had no national media to support our cause. In 2010, the Guardian did encourage people to vote LibDem, only to withdraw that support the minute the coalition was agreed. All we ever see is ridicule, disagreement and, more usually, silence.

Is that going to change if we have a new leader? I very much doubt it. The Tories changed their leader 6 times between 2005 and 2024. That didn’t prevent the worst defeat in their history in 2024. The Greens chose a new leader, Polanski, and enjoyed short term success before dropping back down the polls and losing the HSP by-election. Labour has had 6 leaders since 2005, but has that created a really successful party? The jury is still out on their latest change. We have had 5 leaders since Charles Kennedy. Our current leader led us to our best election result in 100 years but apparently that’s not good enough.

I suggest that the leader is not the only factor in getting our message across. We have never found a way to express our ideology and policies in a simple way, perhaps because it isn’t possible to do that. Leaders can only project what the party stands for if the party decides what that message is.

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Welcome (belatedly) to my day: 12 October 2026 – a leadership challenge, or a challenge to the leadership?…

My estimable colleague and our Editor-in-Chief, Caron Lindsay, wrote yesterday asking the question, “Is Ed Davey toast?”. And a fine question it is too, although I’m perhaps not the obvious person to answer it.

So, instead, I’m first going to look at the mechanics of it all. With the Parliamentary Party in the Commons due to meet tomorrow, what are the options?

  1. Charlie Maynard has moved in the confidence that he can secure enough votes to defeat Ed, and Ed knows it. That would potentially trigger Article 18.2(a) of the Federal Constitution:

    the Leader asking for an election

  2. or, Article 18.2(d)

    the receipt by the President of the resignation of the Leader or of a declaration of intent to resign upon the election of a new Leader;

  3. Nobody is really sure, there’s no obvious choice, but there are enough votes to defeat Ed in a confidence vote. That triggers Article 18.2(e)

    a vote of no confidence in the Leader being passed by a majority of all Members of the Parliamentary Party in the House of Commons

Of course, none of these could happen, but that doesn’t present members from getting involved. Article 18.2(f) allows for a leadership election to be triggered by:

the receipt by the President of a requisition submitted by at least 75 Local Parties (including for this purpose, the Affiliated Organisation or Organisations representing youth and/or students) following the decision of a quorate general meeting

That’s more difficult than it used to be, as the number of Local Parties has shrunk over the years through various mergers and reorganisations on the basis of local government boundaries.

And, despite the conjecture and press speculation, we don’t have a clearcut idea as to where the majority of the Parliamentary Party in the Commons lies. Whilst Politics.co.uk lists eighteen MPs who have publicly announced their support for Ed, that still leaves him potentially short of a majority.

Alright, so much for the mechanics. But let’s assume that Ed is toast. What next?

Are there a collection of viable candidates for the leadership, or a clear “young pretender”?. Personally, I’m not seeing the latter and, viewing the landscape from distant Suffolk, whilst I might have some personal preferences, most of the Parliamentary Party are still pretty raw in terms of experience. That’s not to say that they couldn’t lead the Party, but I’d suggest that the wider Party would want to take a “good look under the bonnet” first.

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Is Ed Davey toast?

The news that two Lib Dem  front benchers, Alison Bennett quietly and Charlie Maynard with a bit more noise have resigned their positions  this week should concern the party.

It’s been clear for some time that all is not well within the party, and the controlling, top-down management style adopted by the party leadership since the General Election in 2024. This sort of rigid discipline didn’t work so well in the Labour Party in the first two years of the Starmer administration and it sure as hell is doomed in a liberal party. We are supposed to encourage independence of mind and spirit.

Nick Baird’s critique of the “equine pacification” strategy on Friday encapsulated well what many party members think and it is clear that this view is reflected in a fairly significant chunk of the parliamentary party. The sense I get is that a fair number of MPs don’t necessarily want to change leader, but they do want us to show ourselves as a radical liberal party that speaks to the whole nation, not just the blue wall and they do want to be treated like adults whose contribution to party strategy should be listened to.

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A plea from a member – more ambition and less equine pacification please…

Those were the days, eh? Way back in 2024, we were a Party on the up with a record number of MPs. The Tories were banished and in disarray. We talked, in all seriousness, about how we would be the Official Opposition after the next General Election. We looked admiringly at the Canadian Liberals who went from third place with a rump of MPs to an overall majority and thought “that could be us”.

Now? Not so much. We languish, flatlining at 4th in the polls (or occasionally 5th if the Greens are doing well). Our performance in recent parliamentary by-elections has barely registered as a footnote. There has been no discernable bounce in the polls for us following conference season – one of the few times of the year when the mainstream media feel some obligation to talk about us a bit.

Where has our ambition gone?

As has been frequently discussed on LDV, or in any gathering of Lib Dems, our strategy post-GE seems to have been to play it safe, keep our heads down, avoid controversy and annoy as few people as possible. Even the ones who will never vote for us. The ‘Equine Pacification’ strategy – don’t frighten the horses.

When I hear briefings from senior figures in the Party now, their assessment is that our held seats are mostly safe. We’re under pressure in a few and might lose a couple, and we might pick up a few target Tory-facing seats, but the end result is likely to leave us where we are now, on 70-odd seats plus or minus a few. Since 2024 I certainly haven’t heard talk of any ambition to deliver a result substantially better than that, or a strategy to deliver it. Is that really good enough?

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The Independent View: The halfway house nobody wants to live in

Last week, a Labour Prime Minister said he would fight the next election on replacing first past the post with a form of proportional representation. He staked his legacy on a National Care Service, with social care free at the point of use and the cost spread across the population. Electoral reform has been owned by the Liberal Democrat party since its inception, and Ed Davey is renowned for his campaign for better social care. In a single speech, Labour committed to both. Not content with eating the Lib Dem’s lunch, he sized up their pudding by opening the door to EU membership too..

A Westminster Hall Debate on 12th October will discuss the UK’s application to join the EU, triggered by a petition that gathered 111,687 signatures earlier this year. It’s the first time parliament will get to debate the UK-EU relationship since the Prime Minister’s conference speech. It’s an opportunity for pro-European MPs to make a full throated case, and some Labour MPs doubtless will. But how should Lib Dems play it? Best for Britain’s polling shows that the party’s current customs union and single market position is the least popular option among its own supporters. If Labour gets to rejoin first, Lib Dems risk being left sucking their thumb.

In an ideal situation, both parties, along with the Greens, Plaid Cymru and the SNP, will go into the next general election with manifesto commitments to join the EU. Our megapoll of more than 10,000 voters shows sticking to the current approach results in a hung parliament, and the nightmare scenario of Reform UK and the Conservatives able to form a government.

We also found that 56% of Lib Dem supporters most wanted the government to propose EU membership. Only 9% picked a customs union and 7% the single market, the party’s current policy. More Lib Dem supporters wanted to stick with Labour’s red lines (16%) than wanted either halfway house. The single market and customs union were the least popular options with the public as a whole too, at 6% and 5%, behind even loosening ties further. The current Lib Dem position doesn’t win over cautious voters because it’s a position almost no-one holds.

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Will the real Green party that cared about people and planet please stand up?

One of the values that attracted me and so many of us to the Liberal Democrats is our fundamental belief in personal freedom: that everyone should be free to live their life how they choose, as long as they don’t hurt anybody else. That principle is why I’m writing this today.

On the very same week as the one-year anniversary of the horrific attack on worshippers at Heaton Park Synagogue, the Green Party conference chose to pass a motion telling people they are wrong for how they choose to live their lives. Worse still, they voted against an amendment that sought to protect Jewish members.

Regardless of people’s views on Zionism, nobody and no political party should be telling anybody else how to live their life, nor should they condemn them for doing so.

We are all sickened to see what is happening in Gaza- there is no doubt about that. These horrendous actions are being carried out by the Israeli government and the Israeli government alone- they are not the actions of our Jewish community, who just want to live their lives free from fear or hate. The Greens must recognise this distinction.

We have seen how this dangerous behaviour ends before. We have seen the Labour Party go down this toxic path not so long ago. We called it out for what it was then, and we must not hesitate to do so now. While naturally we don’t want our political opponents to succeed at the ballot box, we very much want to see them succeed in ridding their ranks of the poison that we saw under Labour in the Corbyn era.

For the values that we hold dear and the society we want to build, it is imperative for all of us that we eradicate this division and fear from our politics, whether left, centre, or right.

This is why I believe the Greens should be investigated by the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC). This isn’t about wishing to see the demise of political opponents or point-scoring; it is about ensuring that our democracy succeeds as a safe and inclusive space for everybody, no matter their story or background.

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Rob Blackie joins the race for Mayor of London

 

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We need better conversations on AI and the environment

AI is not one thing. Neither is its environmental impact.

We need to keep our eyes, our debates, and our policymaking focused on the problems we’re trying to solve. On the outcomes we’re trying to achieve and the society we want to build.

AI can be machine learning, Grok, or basic (mislabelled) data analytics and simple process automation software.

Its impact on sustainability can of course be environmental – its emissions, energy use, water consumption, effect on the local environment, or through the physical materials and supply chains that build datacentres and all manner of other infrastructure.

AI’s impact can also be social and economic – on employment, education, policing, for creatives, or on local community cohesion.

When considering governance, often the third pillar of sustainability (and the acronym ESG) AI opens up new questions of accountability from self-driving cars to corporate management.

I’m not going to rank these impacts. Or pretend that in one blog post I can fully account for their breadth and complexity. But as a starting point for our collective future conversations, here are some numbers, questions, and counterarguments to consider…

The whole technology industry, including chip manufacturing and electronics supply chains, is 2-3% of global emissions, based on an analysis combining sources like Our World In Data and the World Economic Forum. This is, it’s worth noting, a variable estimate depending on how you define “the sector” as is the case with all carbon accounting. The International Energy Agency (IEA) reports that AI is far less than the 0.5% of global emissions generated by all current datacentres, which provide storage and processing for our digital lives far beyond AI. Now that footprint will grow with the rapidly increasing number of datacentres before it comes back down as electricity is decarbonised. And given emissions saved now are especially vital in arresting global warming (vs emissions saved years and decades down the line) the construction of new gas and coal to fuel datacentres should be stopped. In the long run the energy transition is building critical mass: over $2 trillion will be spent this year on clean energy vs $1 trillion in fossil energy. Agriculture, steel, cement, and other sectors are more worrying as far as a successful transition to net-zero is concerned. But all this said, we must address both the now and long term.

Regarding electricity, it’s a major headache for planners and the grid. Numbers across NESO, DESNZ, and National Grid project datacentres as 2-3% of UK electricity demand in 2026. A recent London Assembly report cited that will grow to between 30-71TWh by 2050 (roughly between 1 and 3 Hinkley Point C nuclear plants) – an immensely variable number and likely supplied by heavily decarbonized electricity.

The impact of the physical infrastructure follows the concerns of the broader tech and infrastructure sector: security of critical mineral supply, refining ability, and human rights abuses in those opaque supply chains. Something we desperately need to address in legislation but not uniquely to AI.

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How to spot a Racist

I don’t know about you, but I find it rather irritating when some ‘patriot’ (sic) with a flag tells me what it means to be English.

I find it similarly galling to have explained to me what Zionism means and how it relates to my Judaism. These helpful Greens give me their definition of Zionism and tell me that it’s racist – but it’s ok, because there are plenty of ‘good’ Jews who are anti-Zionists.

But I still choose to call myself a Zionist.  And because Zionism, while not meaning the same as Judaism is deeply entwined with Judaism, I feel I have the right to define what I mean by it.

Every year, at my family seder and at millions of seders around the world, we Jews conclude with the words “next year in Jerusalem!”  For me, Jerusalem is a symbol of peace and belonging, for others – and imagine those who said it in the depths of the pogroms or it the Nazi camps – it may be a more literal aspiration for freedom and safety.

Zionism developed as a political movement towards the end of 19th century at a time whenwhat it meant to be a nation state was still under development.   In much of the world the artificial lines that divide countries were yet to be drawn.  In Europe, where the first Zionist congress was held in 1897, the map bore little resemblance to one that we might see today.   Those first Zionists were simply saying – as others around the world began to find a national as well as an ethic, religious or racial identity which they believed entitled them to a place to call home – that Jews too could share the same ambition.

And they looked to the land which had not just been a millennium long echo in their religious ceremonies and their holy book, but a continuous home to many Jews throughout the centuries, living in Jerusalem and Tzfat and elsewhere.  So, for them and for me, Zionism isthe national liberation movement of the Jewish people.

Now, I understand that international Marxism does not accept the idea of national borders, but for those that believe that the English and the French and the Americans and the Chinese have a right to their own nation state it makes no sense to argue that, uniquely, the Jews don’t and, furthermore, that even that aspiration is racist.

The Green party motion calls for the ‘end of Israel’.  It says Israel – not its Government,which I detest, nor its courts which have done much to hold that Government in check, nor its media which can sometimes be as critical of that government as the Guardian and the BBC – but the very country itself, Israel, has no right to exist.

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Councils must help music – so music can help their communities flourish

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If we believe in giving everyone the platform to flourish and live their unique version of a best life, then enabling music, and musicians, to thrive in our local areas is an unmissable part of that platform.

Does a day go by when you don’t listen to music?

On your phone? In a movie? In a bar or coffee shop? In your place of worship? We use music to celebrate milestones, commemorate lost loved ones, pump ourselves up, and to find ourselves when we’re lost.

But the dedicated geniuses who make all that possible are seeing their income streams disappear one by one. Losing CD income to streaming. Losing touring income to Brexit. Losing gig income to venue closures.

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Welcome to the Brexit argument, Prime Minister!

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This week Andy Burnham told the Labour conference in Liverpool that Brexit has done ‘more harm than good’. In a broadcast interview the next day he said that an in-out referendum on membership of the European Union (EU) in Labour’s next manifesto is ‘possible’, as The Times reports. For Labour that is a dramatic shift. For Liberal Democrats it is something more familiar as here we see a Prime Minister arriving, a decade late, at an argument we have been making since at least the summer of 2016. Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.

In Brighton in September 2016, barely three months after the vote, Tim Farron committed our party to giving the public the final say on the terms of any Brexit deal and that pledge went into our 2017 manifesto. In May 2019 we fought the European Parliament elections under a slogan nobody could misunderstand: ‘Bollocks to Brexit’. We came second across Great Britain with a fifth of the vote and went from one Member of the European Parliament to sixteen. Labour, facing both ways at once, slumped to about 14 per cent. Only that autumn did Labour finally back a public vote, and then under a leader who promised to stay neutral in it. Welcome to the debate Mr Burnham!

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Pensions, care and the liberal vision we need

I am a Liberal Democrat because I believe in freedom, fairness, compassion and giving people the power to shape their lives. Those values remain deeply important to me.

Yet, after our recent conference in Brighton, I wanted to hear a clearer, more ambitious account of how we would put those values into practice. Tax cuts have their place, but people also need decent housing, reliable public services and security when illness or old age makes them vulnerable.

Andy Burnham’s speech raised questions that deserve serious consideration. Welcoming a worthwhile proposal from another party does not weaken our liberal principles. We should assess it honestly, support what is good and challenge what remains inadequate.

As a pensioner, I am concerned about the proposed changes to pension increases from 2030. Many older people already struggle to meet everyday costs. Protecting those on the lowest incomes must be an essential part of any reform.

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50 years a Liberal

Fifty years ago, I was starting at City University. It was my second attempt: I had spent an unhappy term at Southampton several years earlier, and as part of my plan to enjoy university more, I decided to join a society at the Freshers’ Fair. I wasn’t a Tory and definitely not a socialist, but I liked the Liberal Party’s views on apartheid and gay rights (not that I had ever consciously met a gay person). I joined the Liberal Society and went along to a meeting, where I remember being very impressed by a postgrad, David Heath, who later became leader of Somerset County Council and an MP. Little did I know this would spark 50 years (so far) of involvement in the Liberal Party and the Lib Dems.

I accepted an invitation to become the Liberal Society Press Officer, which meant writing pieces for the student newspaper and led to my first foray into public speaking at student union meetings. My appetite whetted, I stood in my first election—for the NUS delegation—where to my surprise (and that of the more hardened hacks), I topped the poll. My hustings speech arguing that the NUS should keep out of national politics went down a storm!

In those days, there were separate organisations for students (the Union of Liberal Students) and young people more generally (the Young Liberals). I became Treasurer of ULS and co-founded the Weybridge YL branch alongside future MP Richard Younger-Ross.

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The Autumn 2026 edition of the Journal of Liberal History published

The Liberal Democrat History Group are pleased to announce that the latest issue of the Journal of Liberal History (issue 132, Autumn 2026) has just been published.

The Journal is published quarterly and can be purchased here or you can take out an annual subscription here.

The Journal was first published in 1993 as a newsletter. It has come a long way since then and is read by people from all walks of life and all over the world. As a peer-reviewed journal, the highest rigours of accuracy are maintained but we have made sure the content is as accessible as possible.

The latest issue is packed, across its 56 pages, with features, articles and reviews.

Liberal History News

The editor of the Journal, Duncan Brack, looks back at the life of Jim Wallace, Baron Wallace of Tankerness, who died in January.

Lord Wallace was a Scottish Liberal/Liberal Democrat MP for Orkney and Shetland from 1983 to 2001. He was the leader of the Scottish Liberal Democrats from 1992 to 2005 and as a member of the Scottish Parliament, he served as Deputy First Minister of Scotland from 1999 to 2005. He stepped into the role of acting First Minister twice.

Articles

Showcasing the work of historians, whether professional or amateur, is what the Journal does best. All the articles are peer-reviewed by leading historians, allowing for an accessible and interesting read.

In this issue, our authors have provided us with a broad set of articles:

Flattered to Deceive? John Curtice examines the performance of the Liberal Democrats in the May 2026 local and devolved elections.

Boundaries, Science and the redrawing of England’s Electoral Map in 1832 Martin Spychal describes the 1832 Boundary Act and the work of the 1831–32 Boundary Commission.

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Can we afford the Triple Lock? Not as a low tax party

A tale of two conference speeches: Ed Davey declared the Lib Dems to be the party of low taxes, and outlined £17bn of tax cuts to Income Tax and Fuel Duty, paid for by making a better deal with the EU, whilst Andy Burnham proposed a National Care Service – with an estimated cost of £18bn according to the Health Foundation. Burnham proposed funding this by adjusting the Triple Lock – although he didn’t explain it that well in the speech. The new approach will tackle the “ratchet” effect – where inflation is high one year, wages grow high in the second in response, so the pension grows rapidly twice in a row. The new system will keep it roughly in line with a third of average wages, making it more predictable and affordable. Importantly, it will never decline in real terms.

The triple lock was designed for those halcyon days of the 2010s – low inflation and modest wage growth, not the stagflation of the 2020s which in our hubris we assumed was condemned to the history books of the 1970s.

Now Burnham’s costings don’t actually add up – his proposal will start to save substantial sums over the long term – but will be a few billion short. That’s fine, it’s a conference speech not a Budget. All the major opposition parties came out the gate to oppose this – despite initial polling showing that this trade off is popular and fair.

Davey said that social care can’t wait for the next parliament – we need action now – which we all agree with. He also said it shouldn’t be funded by modifying the Triple Lock, which begs the question, can we afford the Triple Lock? The answer is yes for the next 10 or 15 years, but not as a low tax party.

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