Author’s introduction to “Sliding Scales”

Sliding Scales is a history of modern democracy from a liberal perspective. The dramatic transformation of the 19th century British Empire into a 20th century Commonwealth was a triumph of diplomacy. It had many setbacks and failures, but it did not lead to the havoc caused by the collapse of similar 19th century empires, which led to the wars in Algeria, the Congo, Vietnam and now Ukraine. It was not a sad down-sizing of power, but one which saved lives and civilizations.

Its strengths were to be found in ‘Free Trade’ (Imperial Preference). It encouraged mutual aid among its member governments, upon such matters as education, research and defence. It defended human rights above the claims of race, class and religion. Mahatma Ghandi, who studied law in London, set an example of civil disobedience against racial oppression. His battle against the Raj inspired the civil rights movements across three continents.

These were milestones in history, in which Liberal thinkers (Maynard Keynes, William Beveridge and Karl Popper) played key parts. With their European allies, they assisted the birth of an economic commonwealth (EEC) which grew into the European Union. When the Cold War came to an end, the Federation of Russian States under Mikhail Gorbachev was expected to follow a similar path, a commonwealth replacing a collapsed empire.

The invasion of Ukraine, under Vladmir Putin, was like a blast from the past. The ‘special operation’ in 2022 echoed Hitler’s Anschluss in 1938, but it ended differently. Ukraine was a tougher opposition than Austria. The rhetoric was that of old-fashioned imperialism. It claimed entitlement with a fake history, false patriotism and the hounding of minorities.

Such nationalistic big talk can be infectious. It spread and is still spreading among those who mourned the loss of their former privileges. It found recruits among those across Europe and US, who believed that under liberalism they had robbed of their old rights. In 2025, there was a geo-political stalemate in Europe and the Middle East, where wars which never seem to end led to a destruction and loss of life which could never be justified.

My aim in this book is to toughen up the liberal message. Liberalism did not begin and end with Gladstone or Lloyd George. Liberal democracy is not just a preference for PR over first-past-the-post. It is the process whereby power and responsibility are spread across the many sections of society that compromise the nation. It is a culture, not a religion. As a liberal, I do not believe in Absolutes. I do not trust those who talk of Equality, Free Speech and the Voice of the British People, as if they owned the stuff. But there are notches in democracy’s sliding scales that tilt towards freedom, humanity and fair play. These I would always defend.

Sliding Scales can be purchased here.

 

* Dr John Elsom is a member in Kingston upon Thames and a former PPC. He is a freelance writer and his works include books, libretti, plays, musicals and journalism. In 2003, he was granted a knighthood by the Romanian president, Ion Iliescu, for his services to Romanian culture.

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One Comment

  • Peter Martin 27th Jun '26 - 6:53am

    “When the Cold War came to an end, the Federation of Russian States under Mikhail Gorbachev was expected to follow a similar path, a commonwealth replacing a collapsed empire.”

    Why? The lesson from history is surely that wars follow in the aftermath of collapsed Empires. There were numerous relatively small wars fought following the fall of the Russian, German, and Ottoman Empires after WW1. We had one of our own in Ireland which is still not totally resolved even today.

    Then we had the big one, which we call WW2.

    The circumstances following WW2 were relatively unusual in that the victors physically occupied the defeated nations to ensure there was no reoccurrence of large scale hostilities.

    BTW I’m not sure that John Maynard Keynes has had much of a role, if at all, in the economics of the EU!

    “German economists roughly fall into two groups: those that have not read Keynes, and those that have not understood Keynes.”

    https://www.ft.com/content/e257ed96-6b2c-11e4-be68-00144feabdc0

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