This graph shows the UK-wide vote shares for each of the three main parties, along with the total Conservative plus Labour share. As you can see, the proportion of people voting for one of the two largest parties dropped again this time, hitting another record post-war low.
The combination of this and our voting system means that the Conservative Party’s share of the vote was sufficient to make the party the largest, but at any previous election it would have been a vote share that would have sent the party to defeat rather than 10 Downing Street. The Liberal Democrat vote share was the party’s second best since the war whilst Labour’s was its second worst.




25 Comments
Although the Con Lab vote share decline since 1951 is dramatic, when we include the fall in turnout, the figures are staggering. In 1951 79.5% nearly 4out of 5 people voted Con(including Unionist,Scottish Unionist and National Liberal)or Lab by 2005 that figure fell to 41% or 2in 5 of the total electorate.
Posted something very similar during the election campaign and why it pointed to a hung parliament. It also means that hung parliaments will be the norm rather than the exception, unless of course the current coaltion results in a change to the pattern.
http://generalelection.wordpress.com/2010/05/03/labour-and-conservative-decline-traces-back-over-half-a-century/
This graph confirms what I believe about 1983 having been the big turning point, after which it no longer made sense to pretend, like Lab & Con, that we live in a society neatly divided into two neat camps of ‘us’ & ‘them’: http://su.pr/2FdCrl
I think that you should do the same graph, but do it based on votes (i.e. modified by turnout and total electorate) as I think it may show a more accurate trend in the behaviour
And unless this 60 year trend dissapears we will become the 2nd & then the largest Party.
It would be interesting to plot these as shares of the total electorate, rather than shares of those who voted. As in, is our support actually staying constant in terms of raw numbers/share, whilst the other declines?
At a 65.1% share the majoritarian duopoly is creaking. At 60% (34% -v- 26%) is starts to fall apart, as no party can achieve a majority. People increasingly want clear, relatively narrowly defined political choices, rather than the broad church bullies who hold their “coalition forming” debates internally, rather than outwards towards the public, as in the recent Lib Con formation. Lib Dems should encourage people on the right of the Conservative party to vote UKIP and people on the left of the Labour party to vote Green. After all, what sort of political party can honestly reconcile the beliefs e.g. of both David Cameron and Bill Cash? Our victory, in forming part of the government and getting many of our key policies implemented should quash the ideas that (a) a vote for us is merely oppositional and hence wasted and (b) that we are some sort of Labour lite party. Both factors should help us harden our vote share. Furthermore we should encourage people who might like to vote for us but fear letting in their most hated choice amongst the majoritarian duopolists, that we can actually moderate the worst excesses of the red & blue, by forming part of the government.
Slightly re-improved table
Let me be compulsive and fix my fixes
Let me remove the 1983 wobble, and a misspelling from the previous post’s table, which you can now delete. This format doesn’t allow previews or cancellations of posts.
Someone asked for the absolute numbers of Tory, Labour and Liberal votes since1945; here they are, gleaned variously from British Political Facts, 1900–1966, Whitaker’s Almanack and Wikipedia.
Thousands of votes; Party totals exclude Northern Ireland after 1970
Election;
Total Votes;
Conservative, Unionist & National Liberal;
Labour & Cooperative;
Liberal, Liberal-Social Democratic Alliance & Liberal Democratic
Others by crude subtraction from the rounded total
Year Total V Tories Labour Lib D. Other
1945 25,086 _9,988 11,995 2,248 _,855
1950 28,773 12,503 13,267 2,622 _,381
1951 28,596 13,718 13,949 _,731 _,198
1955 26,760 13,287 12,405 _,722 _,346
1959 27,859 13,749 12,216 1,639 _,255
1964 27,655 12,001 12,206 3,093 _,355
1966 27,264 11,418 13,065 2,328 _,453
1970 28,345 13,145 12,179 2,117 _,904
Fb74 31,334 11,869 11,639 6,063 1,763
Oc74 29,189 10,465 11,457 5,347 1,920
1979 31,221 13,697 11,532 4,313 1,679
1983 30,661 13,011 _8,457 7,782 1,411
1987 32,530 13,760 10,030 7,342 1,398
1992 33,619 14,090 11,567 6,028 1,934
1997 31,288 _9,601 13,518 5,243 2,926
2001 26,368 _8,358 10,725 4,814 2,471
2005 27,148 _8,785 _9,552 5,985 2,826
2010 29,654 10,684 _8,604 6,828 3,538
@Democratic Socialist Dave
Thank you very much for collecting this data. I assume your 3rd stab at it is correct. I think it would be very useful to have this analysed in detail, with reference to historical events.
Some initial observations:
1) From 1945 to 1997, the majoritarian duopoly never failed to poll less than a combined 21.5 million votes, usually much, much more
2) From 2001 to 2010, the majoritarian duopoly never managed to poll more than the recent 19.3 million votes
3) “Liberal Democrat” votes imploded from 1945 to 1951 and failed to recover to their previous levels until 1964. Is this due to those Liberal icons (1) Jo Grimond and (2) the Orpington bye-election, or did the party simply contest more seats from 1964? Data needed…
4) “Liberal Democrat” votes surged dramatically from 1970 (2.1 million) to 1974 (6.1 million). Why?
5) Since 1974 the LD vote has remained high, with the lowest marks being 4.3 million (1979) and 4.8 million (2001), which presumably marks the magnitude of the LD core vote.
6) The high points of LD vote have been 7.8 million (1983) and 6.8 million (2010), both times in which a great deal of publicity made the LDs much more visible, but yet failed to achieve a greater breakthrough by turning the surge in votes into concentrations sufficient to return large numbers of seats. The LDs need better campaign policies to deal with vote surges to ensure that they do indeed lead to dramatically increased seats returned.
7) Most interesting of all has been the incredible growth in votes for others from a low of two hundred thousand to the recent return of 3.6 million. Besides the continued strength of the LD vote, this is the real message of the failure of the duopoly to command a majority in the Commons. As I suggested in an earlier posting, voters are genuinely looking for real choices.
In 1951 “LD” and “others” polled a combined nine hundred thousand. In 2010, they topped ten million for the first time (10.4 million). Liberal Democrats should NEVER talk up tactical voting, but encourage people to vote where their hearts really lie, whether that is with us, or indeed UKIP, the Greens or the SNP, etc. That is how we will finally succeed in breaking the red/blue stranglehold in politics.
Glad it was helpful. I neglected to give another source (derived largely from British Political Facts, 1900–1975 ), Alan Sked and Chris Cook’s Post-War Britain, A Political History (Penguin, 2nd ed. 1984).
Here are some brief comments:
(1) A small part of the increase in Others comes from including all the Northern Irish parties (Unionist, NI Labour Party, Ulster Liberals, etc.) after 1970. In February 1974, for example, all Northern Irish candidates together polled 718,000 votes, the Scottish National Party 632,000, Plaid Cymru 171,000 and others in Great Britain 241,000.
(2) I (or anyone else) could, with more time and patience, dig up the relevant electorates to give the statistic actually sought above: third parties’ percentage of the total electorate. I’ve included the electorates in the table below for 1945 to 1966; later electorates can be extracted from Wikipedia and other sources.
(3) As for the number of candidates, let me give for starters, the numbers between 1945 and 1966, together with the electorates.
1945 : Electe 33,240 ; seats 640 ; C 624 ; Lab 604 ; Lib 306 ; Comm 21 ; Common Wealth 23 ; others 104
1950 : Electe 33,270 ; seats 625 ; C 620 ; Lab 617 ; Lib 475 ; Comm 100 ; others 56
1951 : Electe 34,646 ; seats 625 ; C 617 ; Lab 617 ; Lib 109 ; Comm 10 ; others 23
1955 : Electe 34,858 ; seats 630 ; C 623 ; Lab 620 ; Lib 110 ; Comm 17 ; others 39
1959 : Electe 35,397 ; seats 630 ; C 625 ; Lab 621 ; Lib 216 ; Comm 18 ; others 56
1964 : Electe 35,893 ; seats 630 ; C 630 ; Lab 628 ; Lib 365 ; Comm 36 ; others 98
1966 : Electe 35,965 ; seats 630 ; C 629 ; Lab 621 ; Lib 311 ; Comm 57 ; others 89
(4) Here are David Butler’s and Jennie Freeman’s “Average % Vote per Opposed Candidate” for the Liberals from the table used above (Chapter IV of Br. Political Facts, 1900–1968):
1945 : 18.6%
1950 : 11.8%
1951 : 14.7%
1955 : 15.1%
1959 : 16.9%
1964 : 18.5%
1966 : 16.1%
(5) Adding the Conservative and Labour votes, and those for all others, is no great task in MS Excel. Formatting it to line up and be readable in this blog is quite another matter.
Here are the totals for Conservatives and Associates plus Labour and Allies compared with those for all other parties from 1945 to 2010. After those two columns are the combined ratio of the two largest parties to all the others, and their respective percentages.
1945 : 21,983 ; _3,103 ; _7.1 ; 88% – 12%
1950 : 25,770 ; _3,003 ; _8.6 ; 90% – 10%
1951 : 27,667 ; __,929 ; 29.8 ; 97% – _3%
1955 : 25,692 ; _1,068 ; 24.1 ; 96% – _4%
1959 : 25,965 ; _1,894 ; 13.7 ; 93% – _7%
1964 : 24,207 ; _3,448 ; _7.0 ; 88% – 12%
1966 : 24,483 ; _2,781 ; _8.8 ; 90% – 10%
1970 : 25,324 ; _3,021 ; _8.4 ; 89% – 11%
Fb74 : 23,508 ; _7,826 ; _3.0 ; 75% – 25%
Oc74 : 21,922 ; _7,267 ; _3.0 ; 75% – 25%
1979 : 25,229 ; _5,992 ; _4.2 ; 81% – 19%
1983 : 21,468 ; _9,193 ; _2.3 ; 70% – 30%
1987 : 23,790 ; _8,740 ; _2.7 ; 73% – 27%
1992 : 25,657 ; _7,962 ; _3.2 ; 76% – 24%
1997 : 23,119 ; _8,169 ; _2.8 ; 74% – 26%
2001 : 19,083 ; _7,285 ; _2.6 ; 72% – 28%
2005 : 18,337 ; _8,811 ; _2.1 ; 68% – 32%
2010 : 19,288 ; 10,366 ; _1.9 ; 65% – 35%
Here, in messy and incomplete fashion, are the candidacies from 1970 to 2010, gleaned mainly from Wikipedia. The total number of other and independent candidates wasn’t readily available, and I’m quitting the research for the moment.
Note that, beginning with 1983 and the Liberal-SDP Alliance, the three major parties tended to put up candidates in almost every consituency in Great Britain. Add that number to the then-current number of Northern Ireland constituencies, and you usually end up with the total House of Commons (minus, sometimes, the Speaker).
Similarly, the SNP contested almost all the Scottish constituencies (and none elsewhere); likewise for Plaid Cymru inalmost all the Welsh constituencies. Northern Ireland is generally excluded except for the total number of seats.
NF = National Front; Eco = Ecology; Grn = Green; SLP = Socialist Labour Party; Comm = Communist Party of Great Britain; NLaw = Natural Law; SNP = Scottish National Party; PC = Plaid Cymru; Eng D = English Democrats; UKIP = UK Independence Party; BNP = British National Party
1970 : Total 630 ; C 628 ; Lab 625 ; Lib 332 ; SNP 65 ; PC 36 ; Comm 58 ;
Fb74 : Total 635 ; C 623 ; Lab 623 ; Lib 517 ; SNP 70 ; PC 36 ; Comm 44 ;
Oc74 : Total 635 ; C 622 ; Lab 623 ; Lib 619 ; SNP 71 ; PC 36 ; Comm 29 ;
1979 : Total 635 ; C 622 ; Lab 623 ; Lib 577 ; SNP 71 ; PC 36 ; Comm 38 ; Eco 53 ; NF 303
1983 : Total 650 ; C 633 ; Lab 633 ; L/SD 633 ; SNP 72 ; PC 38 ; Comm 35 ; Eco 109
1987 : Total 650 ; C 633 ; Lab 633 ; LD 633 ; SNP 72 ; PC 38 ; Comm 19 ; Grn 133
1992 : Total 651 ; C 645 ; Lab 634 ; LD 632 ; SNP 72 ; PC 38 ; NLaw 309 ; Grn 253 ;
1997 : Total 659 ; C 648 ; Lab 639 ; LD 639 ; SNP 72 ; PC 40 ; Grn 89 ; UKIP 193 ; SLP 64 ; BNP 13 ;
2001 : Total 659 ; C 643 ; Lab 640 ; LD 639 ; SNP 72 ; PC 40 ; Grn 145 ; UKIP 428 ; SLP 114 ; BNP 33 ; Ind 136
2005 : Total 646 ; C 630 ; Lab 627 ; LD 626 ; SNP 59 ; PC 40 ; Grn 182 ; UKIP 496 ; SLP 49 ; BNP 119 ; Ind 180
2010 : Total 650 ; C 631 ; Lab 631 ; LD 631 ; SNP 59 ; PC 40 ; Grn 310 ; UKIP 572 ; SLP 24 ; BNP 338 ; Eng D 107
OK, after far too much hunting and fiddling, here’s an approximation of what Paul McKeown wants, from the previous sources plus a quite limited Google preview of British Electoral Facts, 1832–2006, by Collin Rallings and Michael Thrasher (Ashgate Publishers, 7th ed., 2007; ISBN 978-0-756-2712-8) .
Bear in mind that some of this is necessarily imprecise, and that the Electorate figure for 2010 (which I couldn’t find anywhere) is crudely reverse-calculated from the turnout figure of 65.1% and the total vote. Plus some of this is calculated from thousands of votes (,000) rather than precise numbers of votes. So there’s a bit less than 3 significant figures of precision, but the percentages should be accurate within the nearest 0.1% to (at the outer edges) 0.5%. Also different sources treat candidates like Welsh or Northern Ireland Greens differently, and for this year, Thirsk and Malton has still to be heard from.
I’m trying to spare everyone the intermediate figures, most of which I’ve already buried somewhere above, which may be useful for more sophisticated comparisons and analysis.
El = Electorate (in thousands); n-vote = non-voters; All = Liberal-Social Democratic Alliance (1983); oth = others
1945 : El 32,240 ; C 31.0% + Lab 37.2% = 68.2% ; Lib _7.0% + oth 2.8% = _9.6% ; n-vote 22.2%
1950 : El 34,412 ; C 36.3% + Lab 38.6% = 74.9% ; Lib _7.6% + oth 1.1% = _8.7% ; n-vote 16.4%
1951 : El 34,919 ; C 39.3% + Lab 39.9% = 79.2% ; Lib _2.1% + oth 0.6% = _2.7% ; n-vote 18.1%
1955 : El 34,852 ; C 38.1% + Lab 35.6% = 73.7% ; Lib _2.1% + oth 0.9% = _3.1% ; n-vote 23.2%
1959 : El 35,397 ; C 38.8% + Lab 34.5% = 73.4% ; Lib _4.6% + oth 0.7% = _5.4% ; n-vote 21.3%
1964 : El 35,894 ; C 33.4% + Lab 34.0% = 67.4% ; Lib _8.6% + oth 0.7% = _9.6% ; n-vote 23.0%
1966 : El 35,957 ; C 31.8% + Lab 36.3% = 68.1% ; Lib _6.5% + oth 1.2% = _7.7% ; n-vote 24.2%
1970 : El 39,342 ; C 33.4% + Lab 31.0% = 64.4% ; Lib _5.4% + oth 2.2% = _7.7% ; n-vote 28.0%
Fb74 : El 39,754 ; C 29.9% + Lab 29.3% = 59.1% ; Lib 15.3% + oth 4.4% = 19.7% ; n-vote 21.2%
Oc74 : El 40,072 ; C 26.1% + Lab 28.6% = 54.7% ; Lib 13.3% + oth 4.8% = 18.1% ; n-vote 27.2%
1979 : El 41,096 ; C 33.3% + Lab 28.1% = 61.4% ; Lib 10.5% + oth 4.1% = 14.6% ; n-vote 24.0%
1983 : El 42,193 ; C 30.8% + Lab 20.0% = 50.9% ; All 18.4% + oth 3.3% = 21.8% ; n-vote 27.3%
1987 : El 43,181 ; C 31.9% + Lab 23.2% = 55.1% ; LD 17.0% + oth 3.2% = 20.2% ; n-vote 24.7%
1992 : El 43,275 ; C 32.6% + Lab 26.7% = 59.3% ; LD 13.9% + oth 4.5% = 18.4% ; n-vote 22.3%
1997 : El 43,846 ; C 21.9% + Lab 30.8% = 52.7% ; LD 12.0% + oth 6.7% = 18.6% ; n-vote 28.6%
2001 : El 44,403 ; C 18.8% + Lab 24.2% = 43.0% ; LD 10.8% + oth 5.6% = 16.4% ; n-vote 40.6%
2005 : El 44,246 ; C 19.9% + Lab 21.6% = 41.4% ; LD 13.5% + oth 6.4% = 19.9% ; n-vote 38.6%
2010 : El 45,551 ; C 23.5% + Lab 18.9% = 42.3% ; LD 15.0% + oth 7.8% = 22.8% ; n-vote 34.9%
As for the question of how more candidacies produce more total votes, and fewer ones fewer votes, here are the total votes and candidacies for the Liberals and LDP, and the average vote won by each candidate.
In comparing years, remember that in recent years, Liberals have competed nearly everywhere, including hostile territory, whereas in those postwar years when they had to be thrifty with their resources, talent and volunteers, they would naturally tend towards constituencies where they could win a respectable vote. (Hunting where the ducks are; or as Willie Sutton was asked when asked why he robbed banks, “because that’s where the money is!”) So the decline in votes per seat in the early 1950’s is not quite so stark as the decline in total vote (well below a million).
The average percentage won by each Liberal candidate can’t be calculated simply from global (or UK-wide) figures; one has to use the universe of actual seats contested by Liberals, something others have done but which has to be found somewhere else (as for the 1945-66 figures above from British Political Facts, 1900-1968).
Election : Total Liberal vote; Liberal candidates; average vote per candidate
1945 : 2,248,226 ; 306 ; _7,347
1950 : 2,621,548 ; 475 ; _5,519
1951 : _,730,556 ; 109 ; _6,702
1955 : _,722,405 ; 110 ; _6,567
1959 : 1,638,571 ; 216 ; _7,586
1964 : 3,092,878 ; 365 ; _8,474
1966 : 2,327,533 ; 311 ; _7,484
1970 : 2,117,035 ; 332 ; _6,377
Fb74 : 6,063,470 ; 517 ; 11,728
Oc74 : 5,346,754 ; 619 ; _8,638
1979 : 4,313,804 ; 577 ; _7,476
1983 : 7,780,949 ; 633 ; 12,292
1987 : 7,341,633 ; 633 ; 11,598
1992 : 5,999,606 ; 632 ; _9,493
1997 : 5,242,947 ; 639 ; _8,205
2001 : 4,814,321 ; 639 ; _7,534
2005 : 5,985,454 ; 626 ; _9,561
2010 : 6,827,938 ; 631 ; 10,821
Let me try that without those distracting italics (which can be deleted with the post above) and with the successful candidacies.
As for the question of how more candidacies produce more total votes, and fewer ones fewer votes, here are the total votes and candidacies for the Liberals and LDP, and the average vote won by each candidate.
In comparing years, remember that in recent years, Liberals have competed nearly everywhere, including hostile territory, whereas in those postwar years when they had to be thrifty with their resources, talent and volunteers, they would naturally tend towards constituencies where they could win a respectable vote. (Hunting where the ducks are; or as Willie Sutton was asked when asked why he robbed banks, “because that’s where the money is!”) So the decline in votes per seat in the early 1950’s is not quite so stark as the decline in total vote (well below a million).
One can also use those numbers to calculate the notorious total votes needed to elect one Liberal (Green, etc.) in a first-past-the-post system, but that’s a different question that I’ll leave to others.
The average percentage won by each Liberal candidate can’t be calculated simply from global (or UK-wide) figures; one has to use the universe of actual seats contested by Liberals, something others have done but which has to be found somewhere else (as for the 1945-66 figures above from British Political Facts, 1900-1968).
Election : Total Liberal vote; Number of Liberal candidates; average vote per Liberal candidate; Liberal MP’s elected.
1945 : 2,248,226 ; 306 ; _7,347 ; 12
1950 : 2,621,548 ; 475 ; _5,519 ; _9
1951 : _,730,556 ; 109 ; _6,702 ; _6
1955 : _,722,405 ; 110 ; _6,567 ; _6
1959 : 1,638,571 ; 216 ; _7,586 ; _6
1964 : 3,092,878 ; 365 ; _8,474 ; _9
1966 : 2,327,533 ; 311 ; _7,484 ; 12
1970 : 2,117,035 ; 332 ; _6,377 ; _6
Fb74 : 6,063,470 ; 517 ; 11,728 ; 14
Oc74 : 5,346,754 ; 619 ; _8,638 ; 13
1979 : 4,313,804 ; 577 ; _7,476 ; 11
1983 : 7,780,949 ; 633 ; 12,292 ; 17
1987 : 7,341,633 ; 633 ; 11,598 ; 17
1992 : 5,999,606 ; 632 ; _9,493 ; 20
1997 : 5,242,947 ; 639 ; _8,205 ; 46
2001 : 4,814,321 ; 639 ; _7,534 ; 52
2005 : 5,985,454 ; 626 ; _9,561 ; 62
2010 : 6,827,938 ; 631 ; 10,821 ; 57
I’m at odds with conventional wisdom in seeing two turning-points favourable to LibDems and one adversely affecting all parties: gradual Liberal revival after the 1951 debacle; the party’s massive advance in 1974; and the striking decline in turnout in 2001. In contrast I see the gain of 3 million from Labour in 1983 as largely illusory, as the Alliance wasn’t just the old Liberal Party and embraced a high-profile, chiefly Labour breakaway grouping. It’s that last Blair-era slump in voter participation that most concerns me: I still haven’t encountered a convincing explanation of the outright disappearance of 4m Labour & Tory voters in 1997-2001, only about about half of them (allowing for the intervening growth of the electorate) since reincarnated as LibDem/Other even after a cliffhanger election that should have drawn more to the polls.
The last two advances have been an admirable LibDem achievement, but leave the party still below the Alliance’s 1980s peak and little better off than Liberals alone in 1974. The problem with pointing to the fall in the two larger parties’ vote is that in terms of share of the total electorate, LibDems have managed to pick up only 3 of the 10 percentage points lost by “Labservative” since 1997, itself the party’s second-lowest vote since the inception of the Alliance. Things look even grimmer compared to the last Tory win in 1992 (not a great LibDem year but not too atrocious): Conservative votes are down 9 percentage points, Labour down 8, LibDems up 1 and others up 3. LibDems have done more than their principal rivals to keep elector participation afloat, but none of the parties have anything to be complacent about.
I’ve finally been able to reduce all those rather forbidding numbers to a couple of charts of my own. I don’t know if or how I can post JPEG’s here, so I posted them on my never-visited non-partisan Politics2 proto-blog at:
Some British Election Statistics since 1945
Anyone who’s willing and able to move those charts onto this blog is of course much more than welcome.
As for the conclusions one might draw from all those numbers, let me just warn against the Goldwater Fallacy, one shared all over the political spectrum in different forms.
In 1964, as the U.S. Republican Party rejected the traditional leadership of its Northeastern Establishment in favour of a sharp, clear swing to the Right (“A Choice, not an Echo!” in the words of Phyllis Schafly, now leader of the Eagle Forum), its true believers imagined that millions of hitherto-disaffected and inactive voters would rally to the Grand Old Party’s banner, now that it was no longer painted in the pastel shades of Eisenhower-Dewey-Nixon “Me-Too” Republicanism. While no doubt a million or more abstentionists were drawn to Senator Goldwater, many millions of other abstentionists were frightened into supporting President Johnson, while even more millions who were politically involved either swung over (sometimes for the only time in their lives) to the Democratic column from either the left or the right; and many others who couldn’t go even part of the way with LBJ, and who would have voted Republican in any other year, just stayed home or skipped the top line of the ballot. Johnson won 60% of the vote and carried all but six of the Fifty States, including such GOP strongholds as Utah, Alaska, Indiana, Kansas and Vermont.
Now sometimes it’s certainly true that a new political force or movement can, by raising urgent but neglected issues, draw upon millions of those who have hitherto stayed away from politics and voting. But it’s far too easy to look on that 35% of the electorate who haven’t voted in one or more of the last three elections as ripe for the Liberal Democratic (or UKIP or Green) appeal. Without a great deal of very careful analysis and polling of the non-voter, you just don’t know.
My apologies for misspelling the name of Phyllis Schlafly.
@DSD
I was suggesting not that UKIP and Green would necessarily soak up the non-voters, but that they might attract Conservatives to the right of their party and Labourites to the left of theirs. Your point is well made, though, that any such speculation needs to be backed up by polling, et cetera.
@DSD
Love your charts – great work. They do illustrate strongly the decline in blue/red votes, the increase in non-voters, the increase in “others” and how the LD vote has been maintained. If the trend were to continue, it is clear that two party politics would end.
Many thanks to DSDave for all his work: I’ve been inspired to take a slightly different approach – Great Britain only, excluding Northern Ireland with its distinct party setup: just one chart, with party shares and turnout relative to total electorate. The change in geographical coverage doesn’t much affect the data or trends, since the narrower definition still covers around 97% of the UK vote. The longer timeframe does reveal the high Con-Lab share of the 1950s to be exceptional, but the subsequent decline remains a sad comment on the vitality of our political life.
If I’d had good numbers for Great Britain only, that’s the entity I would have preferred to use myself, to eliminate the confusion of Ulster Unionist and NILP votes with those of “mainland” parties before 1974.
@Dave
Thanks for that, good illustration.
Non-voters came close to the sum of Con + Lab in 1992 for the first time, with a moderate (but not large) improvement for voters since. Others has been increasing steadily since 1987 and Lib Dem has remained high since 1974. If trends continue, the Blue and Red duopoly will be broken permanently within one or two general elections. It would seem that they are unable to persuade voters to support them, but the question of course remains as to whether they can be persuaded to support other parties, if politics were to open up.
This is probably completely superfluous since I’ve already mentioned it at Part Two of this thread, but I’ve added more charts, with different combinations of parties and a simpler display of absolute votes, at:
More British Election Statistics since 1945
@ Paul McKeown, 22nd May 2010 at 11:31 pm
I think you mean 2001, not 1992 (which was quite a bumper turnout)!
I’m not so sure about those trends in the next decade: The problem is that the principal net beneficiaries of the fall in Con/Lab’s appeal since 1992 haven’t been LibDems (despite doing rather well in the last two elections), but some of those “others”, not the most promising bunch for the most part. LibDems do rather better in share of votes cast, but nobody’s reaching those millions of still missing voters we’d have seen at the polls in more enthusiastic times. I suspect under FPTP we could be looking next time at a breakdown not dissimilar to 2005, though the possibility of AV and reduced tactical voting & third-party squeeze means patterns could change in LibDems’ favour provided there’s no double penalty from being in government and partnership with the Conservatives.