The SNP’s Defence delusions: A fantasy that puts Scotland at risk

The Scottish National Party has long promoted an unrealistic vision of Scotland’s defence in the event of independence. Their incoherent and reckless approach, outlined in the deeply flawed 2014 White Paper, demonstrates an alarming lack of seriousness in dealing with modern security threats. With a resurgent Russia invading Ukraine and probing NATO’s defences, the world becoming increasingly unstable and Donald Trump back in the White House openly questioning America’s commitment to NATO, the SNP’s defence policies are not just inadequate, they are dangerous.

The 2014 White Paper proposed a budget of just £2.5 billion for Scotland’s armed forces barely enough to maintain a credible defence structure. It assumed Scotland would inherit assets from the UK Armed Forces, despite no legal mechanism ensuring this. It envisioned a ‘Scottish Defence Force’ with a handful of frigates, a small army, and a limited air force, all while rejecting the very defence arrangements that currently protect Scotland. The reality of setting up a military from scratch was entirely ignored. Where would personnel be trained? How would equipment be procured? What alliances would Scotland rely on, given that SNP membership remains broadly opposed to NATO? These are fundamental questions that remain unanswered.

The SNP has no serious plan for dealing with the threats Scotland faces. Russian military aircraft routinely test the UK’s air defences, often requiring RAF jets to intercept them as they approach Scottish-UK airspace. Currently these intrusions are swiftly dealt with by highly trained personnel operating from Lossiemouth. An independent Scotland, with a small air force and no serious defence infrastructure, would struggle to respond adequately. If the SNP still intends to pursue another independence referendum in the next Scottish Parliament, they must be forced to explain how they would protect Scotland from these threats. The UK’s integrated defence network, intelligence-sharing agreements, and military alliances provide Scotland with essential security. An independent Scotland would be left exposed.

The SNP’s commitment to removing Trident from Faslane is yet another example of their reckless approach to security. The UK’s nuclear deterrent is a cornerstone of NATO’s defence strategy, particularly as Russia’s nuclear threats continue to escalate. By insisting on Trident’s removal, the SNP is not only jeopardising Scotland’s security but also alienating the very NATO allies they claim Scotland would rely on. Moreover, what would happen to the thousands of highly skilled jobs that Faslane supports? The SNP’s vague promises of repurposing the base ignore the economic consequences of such a decision. At a time when the UK is increasing defence spending to 2.5% of GDP, bringing billions of pounds in investment and securing thousands of jobs in Scotland, the SNP would rather dismantle key national security infrastructure for ideological reasons.

The idea that an independent Scotland could establish a credible navy, air force, and army from scratch is deeply flawed. The 2014 White Paper suggested Scotland could have a navy centred around ‘a small number of frigates’, without acknowledging the immense cost and time required to procure and maintain them. Meanwhile, Scotland’s shipbuilding industry, which currently benefits from UK government defence contracts, would be placed in serious jeopardy. An independent Scotland would lack the budget or scale to sustain large defence projects, potentially putting thousands of jobs at risk.

Even NATO, the alliance that ensures Scotland’s security today, would not necessarily welcome an independent Scotland. The SNP’s inconsistent messaging on NATO membership and nuclear weapons would make any accession process diplomatically complex. Without NATO membership, Scotland would have no external security guarantees. With it, the SNP would be forced into significant and embarrassing policy reversals on Trident and broader military cooperation.

The reality is simple: Scotland’s best defence is within the United Kingdom. The UK provides a robust, well-funded military, intelligence networks that protect against cyber and terrorist threats, and strong alliances that deter foreign adversaries. While the SNP continues to make unrealistic promises about defence, the rest of the UK is strengthening its role. With Trump now in the White House and raising doubts about America’s role in NATO, the UK and France are stepping up as Europe’s defence leaders. Scotland should remain at the heart of that effort, not a separate and under-resourced state on the sidelines.

The Liberal Democrats understand the importance of national security. We support a strong, well-funded defence policy, a commitment to NATO, and maintaining the UK’s nuclear deterrent as long as global threats persist. Unlike the SNP, we engage with reality rather than wishful thinking.

As we move towards the next Scottish Parliament elections, the SNP must be held accountable for their reckless defence policies. If they still wish to pursue an independence referendum, they must provide clear, realistic answers on how they will protect Scotland from Russian aggression, ensure economic stability in the defence sector, and maintain international credibility. Scotland deserves serious leadership on defence, not the impractical policies the SNP continues to present. The question is no longer whether the SNP’s defence plans are flawed, they clearly are. The real question is how much longer the Scottish people are willing to accept such inadequate leadership on national security.

 

* David McKenzie was the candidate for Glasgow Kelvin in the Scottish Parliament elections in 2021 and is a contributor to Lib Dem Podcast.

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7 Comments

  • As a resident of Scotland – putting aside the question of Scottish independence which seems to be a dead duck at the moment – surely current arrangements at Faslane make it more likely Scotland could be the victim of a first nuclear strike than if the Trident fleet was to be based in Portsmouth or Plymouth……. or even on the Thames…. and that. no doubt, is why they are based at Faslane.

    Come to think of it, Kelvin isn’t that far from Faslane as the crow flies.

  • Steve Trevethan 13th Mar '25 - 7:34am

    At a time when the political leader of the U S A has apparently serious talks with the leader of Russia, might it be worth considering Europe, now bereft of (secure) American “protection”, having serious discussions with Russia?

    Might much cheaper Russian gas assist European manufacturing to revive?

    As part of Russia is in Europe, might it be logical to reflect on seeking an “a reasonably real peace” across an economically more secure “Greater Europe”?

    As “our nuclear deterrent” is controlled by America, which seeks to steal other countries, which is far less than the Russian demands/requests concerning Ukraine, is it reasonable to consider “our” “nuclear deterrent” to be independent/really ours?

    Might the deliberate, probably politically motivated, damage done to our once significant industrial domain have fundamentally damaged our defence capability?

    From whom does increased defence spending come?

    To whom does it go?

    To whom is it paid?

  • Steve Trevethan 13th Mar '25 - 7:45am

    Might the article below be of interest/relevance?

    https://www.craigmurray.org.uk/archives/2025/03/the-moral-balance/

  • David McKenzie 13th Mar '25 - 11:16am

    First of all regarding your comment about Faslane as opposed to Portsmouth or Plymouth, HMNB Clyde or Faslane was chosen to host these vessels at the height of the Cold War because of its geographic position, which forms a bastion on the relatively secluded but deep and easily navigable Gare Loch and Firth of Clyde on the west coast of Scotland. This position provides for rapid and stealthy access through the North Channel to the submarine patrolling areas in the North Atlantic, through the GIUK gap to the Norwegian Sea.

    In regards to your question about a first strike target, Trident is a continuous at sea deterrent – you wouldn’t knock out our nuclear capability with one strike, the base that hosts the trident system is built deep into the side of the hills and can withstand a nuclear blast hence it would be far more likely to target a large population zone or seat of Government.

    As for the other point about ‘USA controlling Trident’ they don’t, that’s a fundamental misunderstanding of our operational capability. In terms of procurement yes we utilise the UGM-133 Trident II missle system and operation system developed by the US, however, the warheads themselves are developed by the UK.

  • @ David Mackenzie I know the geographical location of Faslane, David.

    As to the Gare Loch providing “a rapid and stealthy access through the North Channel to the submarine patrolling areas in the North Atlantic, through the GIUK gap to the Norwegian Sea,” do you really believe that a modern hostile power is incapable of detecting and monitoring movements there ?

  • David McKenzie 13th Mar '25 - 1:48pm

    Do you think we are incapable of monitoring movements of the Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol? I don’t understand your point.

    Monitoring of a fleet doesn’t incapacitate said vessel, the point is the strike range capability.

  • One thing that is certain is that any thought of unilateral nuclear disarmament is stone cold dead.

    Even multilateral nuclear disarmament is probably dead as a dodo.

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