Winning a council seat in Merseyside off Labour would be a significant achievement. Winning two on the same day would be virtually unheard of.
Yesterday, in Maghull, Sefton MBC, Merseyside, Lib Dems won two seats off Labour and came within 9 votes of winning a third. The by-elections concerned took place in three adjacent seats on Maghull Town Council.
Maghull Town Council, 8 miles to the North West of Liverpool City Centre, is the largest civil parish in the country and levies a Band D council tax precept of nearly £90.
LabourTown councillors in three adjacent wards, Maghull North, Maghull East and Maghull South resigned in June. North and East wards, each with electorates of around 5000, together combine to form the Sefton MBC ward of Sudell which Labour won in May 2012 by a 59% to 23% margin over the Lib Dems,
Yesterday Lib Dems notionally gained Sudell Ward with 49% of the vote against 44% for Labour, a swing of 20.3% from Labour to Lib Dems since the last Sefton Borough elections in 2012.
In terms of the three individual Maghull Town Council wards, as compared to the last town council elections in 2011, swings of 10.5% from Labour to Lib Dems were achieved in North and East Wards, and a swing of 9% in South Ward.
The full results were:
Maghull North Ward
Jen Robertson (Lib Dem) 546 52.0% (+22.3%)
Labour 504 48.0% (+1.5%)
Lib Dem GAIN from Labour
Maghull East Ward
Bruce Hubbard (Lib Dem) 621 46.2% (+14.3%)
Labour 557 41.5% (-6.8%)
UKIP 165 12.3% (-)
Lib Dem GAIN from Labour
Maghull South Ward
Labour 180 42.4% (-12.2%)
Geoff Howe (Lib Dem) 171 40.2% (+6.1%)
UKIP 74 17.4% (-)
Labour HOLD
The feedback from the campaign team is that they attribute a large part of their success to the fact that a lot of the electorate have rumbled Labour. More than one activist reported that there was a real sense of disillusionment on the doorstep with the local Labour MP (a proponent of the “if you say something often enough, then people start to believe it” school of political propaganda) and the Labour Council leadership.
A fantastic effort by the Lib Dem team in Maghull, supported by colleagues in Southport, the rest of Sefton and Liverpool.
41 Comments
Well done to all in Magull and nice to see Bruce back on the council, its always nice to see Labour with a long face as they are on a par with Charles I in thinking they have divine rights.
“LabourTown councillors in three adjacent wards, Maghull North, Maghull East and Maghull South resigned in June.”
It would be interesting to know the circumstances – particularly as on another thread people have been emphasising the relevance of the special circumstances in Kingston.
If it was to the North west of Liverpool City Centre, wouldn’t that put it in the Irish Sea?
One special and local circumstance Sefton Lib Dems have had to contend with for some time has been a very slick and well organised and determined local Labour opposition . These victories given the current national polls should not be underestimated . A class act !
On the other Maghull thread I asked for the percentage of the turnout vs the total electorate. Could you give them please Simon
It must have been about 23% in Maghull North if this report of a previous by-election in that ward is accurate:
http://www.billesterson.org.uk/maghull-town-council-by-election-results-labour-scores-hat-trick
Turnouts were:
Maghull North: 20.9%
Maghull East: 27.8%
Maghull South: 20.0%
And apologies, Maghull is 8 miles north of Liverpool City Centre, not north-west.
Interested to know:
Is Maghull historically a Labour area, I read somewhere that until recently all seats were LD?
Which party didn’t stand in the North ward as both parties increased their vote?
Interesting result but on such small seats and turn outs context can be everything
Well done. Now can some pressure be put on Sefton Council regarding the dreadful conditions on some of our pavements. My wife is disabled and has great difficulty because when the pavement was supposedly relaid in York road several years ago The quality of the work was SUB SUB SUB standard.using mainly the existing flags and and old flags from Norfolk Road which was relaid at the same time,and a super job to boot ,all new flags. I have phoned Highways on three occasions over the last few months and been told someone would be in contact, but no such thing has happened…Hope you can help . Colin Richardson.
Many thanks for the info. Can this be part of the reason that the Lib Dems got in?
@bcrombie
“Interested to know:
1. Is Maghull historically a Labour area, I read somewhere that until recently all seats were LD?
2. Which party didn’t stand in the North ward as both parties increased their vote?
3. Interesting result but on such small seats and turn outs context can be everything”
Responses:
1. Maghull used to be a Lib Dem stronghold, but in the the 2010 Local elections Sudell Ward (equivalent to the Maghull North and Maghull East town council wards combined) was a Lib Dem/Labour marginal. In 2011 and 2012 Labour won fairly easily.
2. A Conservative and Independent stood in Maghull North town council ward in 2011. Conservatives also stood in Maghull East and Maghull South wards in 2011, but no Conservative candidates stood yesterday.
3. I don’t regard council seats each with 5000 electorate (e.g. Maghull North and Maghull East) as being “small”. Also turnouts in the range 20% to 28%, although slightly lower than average, are fairly respectable for local elections.
I don’t know if there were local factors at play but surely anyone can see that the absence of Conservative candidates in all 3 wards this time must have been a huge factor.
@OllyT. A factor, but not a huge factor; Tories tend to stay at home when there is no Tory on the ballot. In two of the three wards there was a UKIP candidate to soak up Tory votes.
Regarding Conservative candidates – in 2011 there was one Tory for the 5 seat North Ward, one Tory for the 5 seat East ward and no Tory in the 2 seat South Ward. Their complete absence this time hardly made much difference, but there was UKIP intervention in two wards this time, for what that was worth.
It’s worth remembering that North and East wards each have electorates of around 5,000 – which is bigger than many District Council wards.
Also, I believe that these are only the 2nd and 3rd Lib Dem gains from Labour anywhere in the North West of England since the last general election.
The ‘special circumstances ‘of this election were that Labour panicked and started lying through their teeth about matters which ordinary voters could see themselves were clearly untrue. The by-elections were called after a group of local councillors resigned due to their dislike of other councillors associated with the Labour MP’s office interfering with them for ends which were clearly not held in common.
“Regarding Conservative candidates – in 2011 there was one Tory for the 5 seat North Ward, one Tory for the 5 seat East ward and no Tory in the 2 seat South Ward. Their complete absence this time hardly made much difference, but there was UKIP intervention in two wards this time, for what that was worth.”
That makes me wonder whether the calculation of the percentage changes in the article above takes proper account of the number of candidates in the previous election. For example, the figures indicate that in Maghull North the combined LD and Labour percentages increased by 23.8 points. I don’t think it’s arithmetically possible for that 23.8% to reflect the vote for a single Tory candidate in a five-seat ward, is it?
“Regarding Conservative candidates – in 2011 there was one Tory for the 5 seat North Ward, one Tory for the 5 seat East ward and no Tory in the 2 seat South Ward. Their complete absence this time hardly made much difference, but there was UKIP intervention in two wards this time, for what that was worth.”
That makes me wonder whether the calculation of the percentage changes in the article above takes proper account of the number of candidates in the previous election. For example, the figures indicate that in Maghull North the combined LD and Labour percentages increased by 23.8 points. I don’t think it’s arithmetically possible for that 23.8% to reflect the vote for a single Tory candidate in a five-seat ward, is it?
@OllyT
“I don’t know if there were local factors at play”
I think there are always local factors at play, but, as the article says, the main ones appears to have been that a lot of the electorate have rumbled Labour.
For example one the one hand you have the local Labour MP Bill Esterson claiming on an official Labour website that:
“Sefton Central Labour Party opposes any plans to build on the greenbelt” and
“The Labour Party is on your side with this. It is my view and the view of Labour Party members that we should not allow our greenbelt to be destroyed” and
“I will be the first one to ensure that we retain our greenbelt. And that is the feeling shared by my Labour colleagues.”
On the other hand you have the local Labour councillors, just a few weeks ago, voting to build in the Green Belt.
In Maghull, people have rumbled Labour.
@ Simon Shaw
I ‘m sorry, that is tribal waffle. So when the Lib Dems lost all their seats in 2011 and 2012 was that because the voters of Maghull had “rumbled the Lib Dems”? Having looked into the results a bit more closely it’s fairly obvious that you picked up the Tory votes as they weren’t standing in these by=elections.
Olly T cannot count.
Lib Dems vote (not share) is fractionally up on the 2011 Sudell Ward result while Labour are ONE THOUSAND down.
Chris T, nobody believes ANYTHING on Bill Esterson’s website any more.
Hence this:
http://billwith.blogspot.co.uk/2013_05_01_archive.html
That’s why they’ve been rumbled. If they find their policies are unpopular, they just say they are the policies of their opposition. If they do something unpopular they just say they are against what they themselves are doing. Simples.
@OllyT
“So when the Lib Dems lost all their seats in 2011 and 2012 was that because the voters of Maghull had “rumbled the Lib Dems”?”
You were the one who speculated that there were “local factors at play”. Assuming that you are not local I gave you the considered view of those who are local.
If you asking what “local factors at play” there were in 2011 and 2012 then the main one would be the impact of the Coalition Government.
@OllyT
“Having looked into the results a bit more closely it’s fairly obvious that you picked up the Tory votes as they weren’t standing in these by=elections.”
As an outsider you might say that but you clearly haven’t read Nigel Ashton’s comment. You also appear to miss the point that the swing from Labour to Lib Dem in Maghull East (where UKIP stood and secured 12.3% of the vote) was almost exactly the same as in Maghull North (where UKIP didn’t stand and it was a straight Lib Dem v Labour contest). One swing was 10.4% and one was 10.5%.
@Nigel Ashton:
“Regarding Conservative candidates – in 2011 there was one Tory for the 5 seat North Ward, one Tory for the 5 seat East ward and no Tory in the 2 seat South Ward.”
In the recent Maghull North by-election there was a Tory candidate (he stood as a Tory recently in FOUR different elections on the same day!) but he was standing as a Labour Candidate. His candidacy seems to have set the Labour campaign on fire in a manner they could not match this month.
“As an outsider you might say that but you clearly haven’t read Nigel Ashton’s comment.”
The problem is that comment seems to be completely at odds with the figures in your article. He says the Tories’ absence “hardly made much difference”, but your figures for Maghull North, for example, show the Lib Dem vote rising by 22.3 percentage points, and the Labour vote rising by 1.5 percentage points. Where did the extra 23.8% come from, if not from the Tories? Or are those percentage changes incorrect?
Chris, you really are clutching at straws. The Maghull East & North campaigns were fought by Labour and Lib Dems over the past six weeks or so in the same manner as any annual tightly-fought electoral contest. The most recent results (May 2012) for a comparable campaign in the same local government ward (identical boundaries) were:
Labour Lynn Gatherer 2,124
Liberal Democrat Clifford Mainey 820
UKIP Gordon Kinread 286
Conservative Wendy Moore 285
Green Andrew Rossall 86
So, on a considerably reduced turn-out, Lib Dems increased their actual number of votes by more than 25 per cent and the Labour vote drops by over 1000 (over 50 per cent of their 2012 figure).
You are completely (deliberately?) forgetting differential abstention. I doubt whether there were 50 former Tory voters across both wards who supported the Lib Dems this week.
The result in Maghull on Thursday could not have been obtained without three factors:
(a) direct swaps from Labour to Lib Dem
(b) massive abstention and disillusionment by former Labour voters
(c) a high turnout by core Lib Dem voters.
The reasons for all the above are hardly rocket-science. Labour in Maghull has done very nicely over the past two years by lying to the residents and, largely, being believed. This time they upped the ante and made such a collection of ridiculous and preposterous lies across a range of subjects that they could not sustain any credibility and their support fell apart.
@Chris
“The problem is that comment seems to be completely at odds with the figures in your article. He says the Tories’ absence “hardly made much difference”, but your figures for Maghull North, for example, show the Lib Dem vote rising by 22.3 percentage points, and the Labour vote rising by 1.5 percentage points. Where did the extra 23.8% come from, if not from the Tories? Or are those percentage changes incorrect?”
You might understand things better if you refer to the detailed analysis to be found at the bottom of this: http://birkdalefocus.blogspot.co.uk/2013/07/2-gains-from-labour-on-merseyside-and.html
You will note that in the 2011 Maghull North Town Council election, the sole Conservative received 15.7% of the ‘leading candidate share of the vote’ and the sole Independent received 8.1%. The leading Labour candidate (out of 5 – for 5 seats) secured 46.5% and the leading Lib Dem (out of 5) secured 29.7%.
I agree with Nigel Ashton that the psephological evidence is that the absence of Conservative candidates this time made little difference to the the 9% to 10.5% swings seen across all 3 wards from Labour to Lib Dem since the last Town Council elections in 2011.
In contrast, I believe that a (smallish) part of the explanation for the absolutely massive 20.3% swing from Labour to Lib Dem since the 2012 Sudell Ward (Sefton MBC) election is that there was a Conservative candidate in 2012 and there weren’t any last Thursday.
“You might understand things better if you refer to the detailed analysis to be found at the bottom of this: http://birkdalefocus.blogspot.co.uk/2013/07/2-gains-from-labour-on-merseyside-and.html”
Thanks. I do understand things better now, and as I suspected the percentage change figures are not based on comparison with the true percentages of votes cast for each party in 2011.
What you have done in calculating the 2011 percentages is to take the largest vote for each party and ignore the others, despite the fact that there were five candidates each for Labour and the Lib Dems, and only one Tory and one Independent.
The effect of this (in Maghull North) is to artificially inflate the Tory and Independent votes to a total of nearly 24% when in fact only about 7% of the votes were cast for these candidates. Based on the true percentages cast for each party in 2011, the changes in the percentage vote would actually be +17 for the LDs and -10 for Labour.
That is why your percentage changes showed an enormous 23.8% apparently having gone from other parties to LD and Labour, despite the fact that only 7% of votes had been cast for other parties in 2011!
Tony
I am not “clutching” at straws – I am simply trying to clarify the reason for the apparent contradiction between the figures for percentage change in the article and the statements that the Tory vote in 2011 was insignificant. And it has now been clarified.
“I doubt whether there were 50 former Tory voters across both wards who supported the Lib Dems this week. “
Obviously it depends what you mean by “Tory voters”. In a five-seater ward with only one Tory candidate, there were 348 voters who included one Tory on their ballot paper in 2011. One might guess that most of those voted LD this time – but it’s equally likely that most of them voted for three or four LDs along with the one Tory in 2011.
The comparison between a normal election and a by-election in a multi-seat ward is far from simple, and figures like those given in the article can be extremely misleading if they are not properly explained.
I find it rather touching (and proof that we are the same party that we always have been) that so much energy has been devoted on this thread to the proper interpretation of the results of three town council by-elections !
@Chris
“Thanks. I do understand things better now, and as I suspected the percentage change figures are not based on comparison with the true percentages of votes cast for each party in 2011.
What you have done in calculating the 2011 percentages is to take the largest vote for each party and ignore the others, despite the fact that there were five candidates each for Labour and the Lib Dems, and only one Tory and one Independent.”
Well spotted. Did you also spot that that is the method used by Rallings and Thrasher?
If you have a better method then I am sure they would be delighted to hear from you.
Of course, as Lib Dems and Labour contested all the vacancies in 2011, in 2012 and in the 2013 by-elections, the calculation of the swings from Labour to Lib Dems of around 9% to 10.5% since 2011, and of over 20% since 2012, are completely unaffected.
Simon
Sorry, but it’s just nonsensical to analyse this result on the basis that the Tory vote was 15.7% in 2011, simply because (simplifying things) something like 15.7% of the voters included the sole Tory candidate among their five choices. Quite possibly most of them also voted for three or four Lib Dem candidates. What earthly sense does it make to count them as Tories?
For obvious reasons, it makes even less sense to say the Independent vote was 8.1%.
Obviously what I’m suggesting is that you should simply work on the percentage of total votes cast for each party.
On past experience I suspect I’m wasting my breath explaining this to you. But there should be no scope for argument about your assertion that the Labour to LD swings are “completely unaffected” by this consideration. That is demonstrably wrong, as you’ll see if you think about it – or if that doesn’t work, calculate the numbers. (Ironically enough, your procedure is actually reducing the swing, because it is artificially reducing the combined Labour/LD vote.)
@Chris
You think %age share of the vote in multi-member wards where not all parties stand a full slate should be calculated one way. Rallings & Thrasher think it should be done another way.
I have elected to use the Rallings & Thrasher approach. Don’t take it too personally.
Simon
Don’t worry, I don’t take it at all personally. And I don’t think you should either. But frankly – whatever Rallings and Thrasher may or may not do – I think most people will see how nonsensical it is to calculate percentage votes for each party by discarding the votes for two thirds of the candidates (all the discarded votes being for Labour and the LDs).
But really I think you should correct your error about the calculation method making no difference to the Lab/LD swing. Because you must now realise it was an error.
@Chris
ALDC have been taking the highest vote for each party for years. The idea is that by taking the highest vote it represents the maximum vote achieved in that election.
Swings are calculated based on the same method being used over and over again.
The highest vote system can therefore easily cope with parties only fielding 1 or 2 candidates in a 3 member ward.
You say it is nonsensical. That’s your opinion. No calculation system is perfect.
You say it is nonsensical. That’s your opinion.
Yes, I do. I say it’s absolutely nonsensical to take the ballot paper of someone who votes:
LD
LD
LD
LD
CON
and count that person as a Tory.
If you were canvassing, and someone told you that was how they were going to vote, would you put them in the ‘Con’ column?
@Chris
“I say it’s absolutely nonsensical to take the ballot paper of someone who votes:
LD
LD
LD
LD
CON
and count that person as a Tory.”
But in your terms that person almost certainly would not be counted just as a Tory.
It is extremely likely that one of the 4 Lib Dems they voted for would be the highest placed Lib Dem. Accordingly that particular ballot paper would boost both the Lib Dem share and the Con share (on the basis of the highest ranked candidate – the method used by Rallings & Thrasher, ALDC etc).
Simon
OK. Fair enough. But in your system, that ballot paper would still boost the Tory percentage every time, and the Lib Dem percentage four fifths of the time. It would be counted more as a Tory vote than a Lib Dem vote, despite the fact that it contained four crosses next to Lib Dem candidates, and only one next to a Tory.
Why not simply base the percentages on the actual votes cast, rather than discarding most of them and introducing a bias towards parties that didn’t put up a full slate of candidates?
@Chris
Firstly, it’s not my system. I have merely used the basis favoured by Rallings & Thrasher, the UK’s acknowledged experts in psephology.
Secondly, I would dispute your claim that the LEADING Lib Dem candidate (of 5) will receive an equal share of these votes. If they were given in a purely random way that would be true, but the reason that (s)he is the LEADING candidate is because (s)he tends to get more votes than the other four.
Simon
You can argue about whether it will be four fifths or a bit more than four fifths if you like, but the essential question remains the same – why not simply base the percentages on all the votes cast for each party?
And maybe you can also acknowledge your error about the swings being unaffected by the calculation method. In fact, the swing from Labour to the Lib Dems (in Maghull North at least) is higher when the percentages are based on all the votes cast!
@Chris
“You can argue about whether it will be four fifths or a bit more than four fifths if you like, but the essential question remains the same – why not simply base the percentages on all the votes cast for each party?”
I would have thought the best thing is for you to research what reasons Rallings & Thrasher give for using their approach.
For myself, the obvious reason why their approach is far better than yours is this:
Suppose, in 2011, there had been 2 Conservatives standing for the 5 vacancies in (say) Maghull North Ward, rather than just the 1 who did stand. Under your preferred approach the Conservative share of the vote would have roughly doubled “at a stroke”, even though the number of Conservative voters going to the polls stayed exactly the same.
That’s a major problem, surely?
Any calculation with multi member wards will be a compromise because of the propensity for split voting. That’s magnified when people stand fewer candidates than their are places as the extra votes have to go somewhere.
ALDC went with the top candidate for the prettty simple reason that so did Rallings and Tresher and it is their reference books which are used for past results (and from which their calculations of past election performance come from).
“That’s a major problem, surely?”
But the major problem with your method (or whoever you want to attribute it to) is that it shows this massive boost of 23.8% for the combined Labour/LD vote – with both vote shares rising – owing to the absence of the Tory and Independent candidates, even though you seem to agree with Nigel that their absence actually had little effect.
You are saying, aren’t you, that the main effect was a Labour-LD swing, but that is completely obscured in your analysis – beacuse the changes in the votes of the two major parties have been distorted by the artificial inflation of the vote shares of the minor candidates in 2011.
It would still be nice if you could acknowledge your error about the swings being unaffected, by the way.