Author Archives: Dominic Rider

Confederation, not superstate: A Liberal vision for Europe

Britain needs Europe. Europe needs Britain. But not as they currently are.

This thought began by watching the current US administration’s repeated disdain for European allies—the transactional contempt, the treaty ambiguity, the suggestion that decades of partnership count for nothing. Liberal internationalism is under threat. The transatlantic order that underwrote European security for seven decades is fracturing visibly. That creates a vacuum—and a question the Liberal Democrats are uniquely positioned to answer: what should Europe become, and where does Britain fit?

No other party will ask this. Labour has calculated that silence on Europe costs less than clarity. The Conservatives remain captured by their Brexit coalition. The Liberal Democrats—consistently internationalist, consistently proved right—have both the standing and the freedom to lead.

What follows is a proposal. A confederated Europe—sovereign democracies choosing deeper partnership without dissolving into a superstate. Britain rejoining not the arrangement we left, but something reformed and stronger.

* * *

The European Union’s current structure has real limitations. Unanimity requirements mean a single state can paralyse collective action—Hungary vetoing Ukraine support, for instance. The single market for services remains incomplete, disadvantaging Britain’s core economic strength. Defence cooperation exists but lacks the integration that genuine strategic autonomy requires. Democratic accountability is diffuse; citizens struggle to know who decides what.

A confederation would address these. Not federation—no European government overriding national parliaments. Confederation means sovereign nations pooling specific functions while retaining authority over everything else. The EU already operates closer to this model than most people realise; the question is whether to make it work properly.

Three reforms matter most. First, replace unanimity with qualified majority voting, so decisions actually get made and member countries’ voices carry weight proportional to their populations. Second, complete the services single market—genuinely opening European economies to British expertise in finance, law, technology, and professional services. Third, integrate defence properly: pooled procurement to reduce duplication, coordinated command structures, and Franco-British nuclear cooperation providing a genuine European deterrent independent of Washington’s whims.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged | 9 Comments

The Uprating Asymmetry: a case for consistent protection

Last week, I opined in these pages that intergenerational fairness should be a liberal priority. A commenter rightly challenged my suggestion that pensions be linked to CPI: poverty is measured relative to median earnings, not inflation. CPI-linking would let pensioners fall below the poverty line even as their purchasing power held steady — precisely what happened after 1980.

The correction clarified my thinking. If relative poverty matters — and it does — then benefits should track earnings, not just prices. The triple lock gets this right for pensioners. We should extend the same logic to everyone else.

* * *

I should acknowledge I muddled two concepts worth distinguishing. Destitution is absolute — the inability to afford essentials like heating, food, and shelter. Poverty, as officially measured, is relative — household income below 60% of the median. A person whose basic bills are covered is not destitute. But fall below that threshold and you are, by definition, poor: unable to afford what society considers normal.

That exclusion is real. It shows up as hesitation over a grandchild’s birthday present, or quiet withdrawal from social life. The triple lock exists because we decided pensioners should not face exclusion.

The mechanism embodies a sound principle: benefits should keep pace with living standards, not merely with prices. The earnings link achieves this. The CPI floor provides protection against inflation shocks. These two elements — earnings-tracking with inflation protection — form defensible policy.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 6 Comments

A Liberal case for fairness across generations

In December I stood for Shinfield Parish Council. I came fourth, nine votes behind Reform UK, ten ahead of Labour. I am 38, work full-time, and have two children under seven. My Conservative opponents—both elected—had advantages I could not match; but above all, the time to knock on doors while I was at work or putting children to bed.

This is not a complaint about my own result. It is a diagnosis of a system.

British local democracy has become structurally inaccessible to working parents. Borough councillors in Wokingham receive £7,784 annually—less than £150 a week—for what amounts to a part-time job, and that figure stays frozen because raising it looks bad to council tax payers struggling with the cost of living. The result is a vicious cycle: allowances remain too low for working families to afford public service, so only retirees, the self-employed, and the independently comfortable can stand. They are not villains. But they are, increasingly, the only candidates.

The Liberal Democrats should find this intolerable. A party forged in the fight to extend the franchise cannot be content with democratic structures that exclude a generation—and we should be honest that too often, we have learned to live with them. When democratic participation depends on wealth, age, or free time, it is no longer equally democratic at all.

The exclusion runs deeper than council chambers. Consider the basic economics of the British state.

Thirty-one percent of children live in poverty. Sixteen percent of pensioners do (DWP Households Below Average Income, 2023/24). Child poverty has barely moved in twenty years; pensioner poverty has halved. This is not accident. It is policy.

Posted in Op-eds | 17 Comments
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