Today, Kosovo returns to the polls in local elections that carry outsized symbolic weight, especially in the capital Pristina. Across 38 municipalities, voters will elect mayors and municipal assemblies – a ritual of grassroots democracy that also doubles as a referendum on national parties and their grip on power. 

Kosovo gained independence after decades of tension under Serbia, a brutal war in 1998 – 1999 , a decade of UN administration and finally a unilateral Declaration of Independence in 2008 – which whilst wildly recognised by most Western States including  UK, France, Germany, USA and most EU countries – still has Serbia, backed  by Russia, China and some EU countries( Spain, Greece, Slovakia, Romania and Cyprus) refusing to recognise Kosovo as an independent country. 

When I visited Pristina in December  year I found a delightful little town –  somewhat surprised to have been designated a  capital of its country –   with lots  of cafes and restaurants – its architecture a mixture between stark brutalist communist era buildings  to reminders  of its. Ottoman  past, with its people preparing to celebrate Christmas in a predominantly Albanian Muslim country.  

Once Kosovo’s dominant political force, the Lib Dems sister party, PDK,  is hoping in this weekend’s elections to reclaim relevance and authority – particularly in Pristina where the mayoralty has eluded it for years.  PDK traces its origins to the political wing of the Kosovo Liberation Army, and indeed during my stay,  I enjoyed a fascinating lunch with a group of   freedom fighters listening to their stories of the War from the late 1990s. In Parliamentary elections in February, PDK placed second with about 22% of the vote – far behind Prime Minister Albion Kurti’s VV Party, but ahead of the traditional centrist LDK party.  However, seven months later, a parliamentary majority has still to be formed.  After 56 attempts, parties in the Kosovo Assembly finally managed to agree on a Speaker and this  Friday, 2 days before the local elections, the Assembly was finally constituted. 

Pristina has traditionally been a difficult terrain for PDK.  But this weekend it is pinning its hopes on former Health Minister Uran Ismaili as its candidate for Mayor of Pristina – and that voters will want to punish the Prime Minister’s party for the prolonged institutional deadlock.  I met Uran for lunch – and found him a very affable and engaging character, whose face is well known  and warmly greeted on the streets  of Pristina.  His campaign slogan  “ Time for Pristina “   focuses on functionality, urban improvement, cleanliness and making Pristina a more liveable city. His best hope is making it through to the second round of elections on 2 November  – a run off between the top to candidates.  PDK is contesting with 33 Mayoral candidates across Kosovo , along with lists of municipal councillors on 36 municipalities.  

And of course no account of the political situation in Kosovo would be complete without mentioning the influence of Serbia, with the geopolitical backing of Russia.  Serbia’s interest in Kosovo’s politics is nothing new, and in 2025, Belgrade seems to be stepping up efforts to influence outcomes, especially in Serb- majority municipalities. Indeed Prime Minister Kurti has publicly accused Serbia of direct interference ahead of this weekend’s elections. The Serbian government has  made statements in support of a particular Kosovo Serb Party – Serb List – which functions as a proxy closely aligned with the Serbian government.  In those municipalities with a  majority Serb population many public sector jobs remain tied to  Serbian run institutions ( eg schools, health, social services) or rely on funding from Belgrade rather than Pristina. Local Serb representation is often framed as legitimising Kosovo’s political system as inclusive, even while many of  the Serb seats in northern municipalities remain under Belgrade’s sway.  I was advised against traveling to the north of the country during my visit last year. 

PDK is identified as a Kosovo Albanian Party and the presence of Serbian interference highlights the challenge for any Albanian party in securing influence in mixed or Serb- majority areas.  PDK’s best hope is to attract endorsements from smaller parties and disaffected voters to secure its candidates a place in the run- off elections.  Pristina, where the battle is likely to be won on domestic issues – urban services, local projects, social policies- not by external intervention and therefore offends PDK its best hope.  

Russia will no doubt be watching these elections closely.  In the case of Kosovo, Russia’s influence is less about direct electoral interventions and more about the geopolitical weight it lends to Serbia – enabling Belgrade to act more assertively in Kosovo’s internal affairs.  

We wish our sister party PDK well and look forward to catching up with them at the ALDE Congress in two weeks time in Brussels. 

* David Chalmers is Chair of Federal International Relations Committee and leads the Lib Dems ALDE Delegation