Tag Archives: party narrative

Liberalism — Bare your fangs!

I haven’t been a member of the Liberal Democrats for the last five years — though I remain a registered supporter. But lately, I’ve found myself hovering over the “rejoin” button, watching the party and waiting for the one thing that might pull me back into the fold.

The truth is simple: politics has shifted — and we must shift with it.

Across the country, politics has become louder, sharper, and more emotional. Reform UK has built an entire movement not on competence or compassion, but on conviction. They dominate social media with soundbites, certainty, and swagger — even when they’re bafflingly wrong about our country. Meanwhile, the liberal voice of reason, fairness, and decency too often sounds careful, polite, quiet — and most of all, meek.

That has to change.

The Liberal Democrats have reliably been on the right side of history: from Iraq to the 2008 financial crisis, Brexit to digital ID cards. We have so much more to be proud of — and yet we rarely show it. Too often our rhetoric fails to inspire a movement beyond membership.

This is my plea to the political family I want to come home to: the time has come to bare your fangs.

Reclaiming Patriotism from Populism

It’s time we stopped surrendering patriotism to the nationalists and grifters.

Liberal Democrats can and should proudly own what it means to love this country — not through slogans or scapegoats, but through the values that truly make Britain worth believing in: fairness, compassion, and honesty.

We are patriotic because we believe in human rights — and don’t cast them aside when inconvenient. We defend the rule of law — and don’t flaunt it. We care about the country our children will inherit — and don’t use them as political props.

That is a deeper, truer love of country than any piece of Temu tat zip-tied to a railing can offer.

Being proudly British means standing up for the vulnerable, protecting our environment, welcoming those in need, and calling out corruption wherever it hides. That’s the patriotism liberals should champion — and it’s time we did so with confidence.

Let’s not bite our tongues on our values. If Reform wants to drag us into the mud, then we’re ready to meet them there — but we’ll bring truth, not fear.

Becoming the Natural Opposition to Reform UK

We need to be clear about something: our real ideological rival is not Labour or the Greens — it’s Reform UK.

Labour’s caution and compromise leave a vacuum in the debate about what kind of country we want to be. Their lack of vision and values leaves them a husk — a relic of a political establishment that’s lost its way.

The Greens inspire many, but their message doesn’t always reach beyond their core. Even they now compromise on their values to chase the fleeting trends of social media slacktivism.

The Liberal Democrats can — and should — be the loud, unapologetic liberal antidote to populism from both left and right.

Reform UK offers anger. We should offer hope with backbone.

They shout about betrayal; we should shout about belonging.

They trade in fear; we should trade in freedom.

That’s how we position ourselves not as the quiet third choice, but as the party standing tall against the politics of division — the tide that lifts all boats.

Supercharging the Movement

Posted in Op-eds | Also tagged and | 10 Comments

William Wallace writes: What are we campaigning FOR?

The Liberal Party I joined in 1960 was far better at thinking than campaigning.  The party leader, Jo Grimond, published several books, with radical proposals ranging from co-ownership to joining the ‘Common Market’ and cancelling the independent deterrent.  There were multiple policy groups, several academically-led bodies like the ‘Unservile State Group’ that published their own lengthy analyses, and a Liberal Summer School.  We weren’t much good at campaigning, but we prided ourselves on being ‘the party of ideas’.

Young Liberals in the 1960s also loved debating policy, but after the setbacks of the 1964 and 1966 elections were critical of the amateurish approach to campaigning.  Community politics proved itself from local successes, and rising generations of Liberal campaigners learned how to win, one ward and one seat after another, through pounding the pavements and taking up local issues.  Several decades later, the 2024 election showed what we can achieve through targeted campaigning.  But facing an electorate that is more and more sceptical of all politicians, we risk being seen as nice, friendly but hard to define in political terms.  The Labour government is now being criticised for having no overall message to underpin its policies.  We are in danger of attracting similar criticism.

So we need to spend more time thinking, making political discussion and informed proposals complement continued campaigning.  Party policy-making runs through an unavoidable cycle between elections: immediate exhaustion after each election, with new MPs, Councillors and members finding their feet and defining their roles; sufficient experience and time in the second and third years to try out new ideas and shape them into attractive and practical policies; greater caution about floating new ideas as the next election approaches, as party strategists boil down policy packages into messages and manifesto and guard against hostile publicity exploiting any half-prepared idea that is floated.  

We need to be particularly attentive during this political cycle for two reasons: first, that the most likely outcome of the 2028-9 election is that no party wins an overall majority (unless, horror of horrors, Reform sweeps in), and that we find ourselves as a potential partner in whatever government is formed; second, that the economic and international situation which that new government faces will be at least as grim as it is today.  Many Liberal Democrats will groan at the suggestion that we might once again go into government, particularly if we were not the senior partner.  But we could not refuse to negotiate if the outcome is unclear, and if – for example – we find ourselves with 100 MPs or more in a 3-party negotiation (an entirely possible scenario) we will be in a much stronger position than in 2010, provided we have prepared carefully and have agreed priorities.

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