Nick Clegg, is arguably the best modern Liberal Democrat British Politician by virtue through taking the party into power in 2010. You may be thinking why does he need defending within our own party? That is a good question considering if he was in the Conservative and Labour Parties, he would be feted (apart from Tony Blair due to Iraq) for taking the party into Government for the first time since the Second World War. Yet Mathew Hulbert suggests it would be wise for him to make fewer public interventions as possible, despite being a former Deputy Prime Minister.
Why do some members of our party feel this way about Nick Clegg, considering the Coalition was ten years ago? The British public seem to have reluctantly accepted that the Coalition cuts were necessary compared to the current Labour Government ones. As Mathew says in his article, Nick did help to bring in Equal Marriage with Lynne Featherstone, but Nick also helped to bring in the Pupil Premium, lifted three million people out of Income Tax, and restored the link between pensions and earnings. I can go on, but the main achievements can be found here.
Admittedly, I accept that the Party lost 49 seats at the 2015 General Election. It is clear that the negotiating team could have got a better deal from the Conservatives, particularly on constitutional and political reform, and on the issue of Europe. Let us not get started on the issue of tuition fees, which should have been handled better especially the politics of it, although I think Nick is not completely to blame here.
However, it is only fair to assess the legacy of the Coalition, when both constituent parts are out of Government completely. The Financial Times has pointed out that we could benefit from the coalition legacy, as Labour faces the reality of governing.
Nick may not have broken the mould’ in challenging the Conservative and Labour dominance within our electoral system during his time as Leader, although I argue even more important was that he could see that the political axis was changing from the traditional economic axis of redistribution v tax cuts, to a cultural axis of liberalism v authoritarianism.