Author Archives: Jack Nicholls

We are the party of human rights, and we need to sound like it

When Ming Campbell ran for the leadership, his best line was that Britain did not need a third conservative party. The situation now is so much worse; we have three hard authoritarian parties engaged in virility contests for who can be more horrible to and about very vulnerable people. I would like us to be much more emphatically full-fat liberal in the things we do and say, particularly in relation to migration.

I want to see our spokespeople saying that immigrants make us a stronger, better country, are net contributors to both the exchequer and our wider social life, and that in a liberal, plural society, and we are just about still a liberal society, the presence of another culture  does not have to threaten yours.

I want them to bang the drum for human rights, both in law and spirit. I want them to say proudly and firmly that people have a right to seek asylum, and that this right comes from the same laws and conventions that protect everyone who was born here. I want them to say that to claim asylum you have to physically show up, and that is harder to do by conventional routes since the Tory government shut a lot of them down.

I want them to say that if we leave the ECHR, which I fear Starmer and Cooper are now privately toying with, everybody in this country will be less safe. I want them to cite Tony Benn – a good civil libertarian, whatever our other differences with him – saying that how a government treats refugees is instructive of how it would treat the rest of us if it could get away with it.

I want them to bang on about how swapping human rights for a British Bill of Rights means your statutory standing and privileges are based on your citizenship, which, however rarely it might happen, can be revoked. Ask Sajid Javid, he did it. 

Posted in News | Tagged , , , and | 19 Comments

Young people need liberal listening, not authoritarian threats

Young people, so says the DWP Secretary, must ‘learn or earn’ or lose benefits. Be warned, dear reader, this is an angry post.

This announcement by Liz Kendall has put three things in my mind. Firstly, never underestimate the excessive power of rhyme in policy creation. Secondly, the authoritarian parties will never resist the temptation to hammer young people with a mixture of higher expectations and the threat of less money. Thirdly, it reminded me of one of the formative experiences for my liberalism.

I have worked with young people during a couple of periods in a varied career. The young people …

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 37 Comments

Could the Lib Dems really deflate the Reform bubble?

The joy of our election success was shaded by the sizeable Reform UK vote share, and it needs to be taken seriously. Even if by the 2029 election Reform have become a busted flush, it is likely they will have gained numerous council seats along the way and, as a minimum, hold the balance of power in multiple councils. They may well have beachheads in Holyrood, Cardiff and, via the TUV, Stormont. It is not inconceivable that they gain a Police Commissioner or Mayoralty on hardline law and order platforms with a substantial xenophobic sheen. That prospect scares me, and I want a plan for dealing with it that involves us.

Reform voters are not necessarily the same as Reform members. If you exclude active supporters, all parties’ voters are a mix of habitualists, tactical and/or contextual vote lenders, and people who like their local candidate/representative irrespective of party. There are for us Lib Dem voters, people who vote Lib Dem as a rule, sometimes or this time, and plenty who are voting person over party or against someone else. 

Anecdotally, Reform voters appear to come in four broad varieties, with points of internal crossover. The first group are motivated by fears about immigration and culture, and perceived threats to their sense of identity. The second are Brexit-inclined market deregulators who want fiscal credibility and don’t believe the Tories can provide it anymore. The third are economically quite social democratic, with a nationalist glaze, but are unconvinced by Labour (especially now). The fourth are independent-minded localists who want a decent local representative, for whom party comes lower down the list of priorities.

We cannot reasonably expect to appeal to the convinced end of group 1. We are pluralist multicultural inclusive internationalists and thus the natural enemy. That doesn’t mean not engaging with and challenging them, even when it results in a doorstep disagreement and a lost vote, but it’s not fertile ground. We can however be the party that brings over some of the other three camps. We are the party of the ongoing conversation between freedom to and freedom from. We regulate or deregulate, intervene or keep out, actively empower or support people to empower themselves, based on what creates more meaningful, useable, tangible freedom.

Posted in Op-eds | 18 Comments

The National Service proposal is an authoritarian disgrace: liberals should call it out as typical coercive Tory populism

Perhaps it was all a grand bluff. It is just possible that when the various panicked policies currently coming out of CCHQ were conceived, Rishi Sunak’s true intention was to hit enough trigger points for enough people that they rouse themselves in fury, join other parties and reinvigorate popularly engaged democracy on a mass scale. Maybe that is the true Sunak legacy, revealed like the final move in an elegant game of chess. I doubt it though.

The Conservative Party believe in a mythical creature – ‘ordinary people’ – and thinks it understands what they want. It has an instinctual, hazy vision of who that is. The ordinary person is probably employed, probably not in the public sector unless they are in the better paid white-collar end of it, probably has or wants children, has or wants to own a home and run a car, probably aspires to the suburbs – homo economicus, with a quietly patriotic sheen. MacMillan had a version of this concept, so did Thatcher, Major and Cameron. Johnson refocused it to make it altogether more brexity, and temporarily changed the Tory coalition to his short-term benefit and long-term cost (wide, shallow lakes cover more space but evaporate more easily).

The key thing to understand about this mindset is the way it informs policy announcements, especially in the build up to or during elections. When DWP ministers talk about punitive and vilifying reform of welfare services, they’re not talking to people who use them, they’re talking to the ‘ordinary people’. When education ministers pronounce upon the apparent dangers of ‘contested ideology’, all while insisting schools make explicit statements on British values (a contested concept if ever there was one) they aren’t addressing the parents of children who are questioning their gender and need empowering support – they are addressing their mythical ordinary people. So today, when Sunak announces that 18-year-olds will be conscripted into either military service or community ‘volunteering’, he is not talking to the young people he is planning to force into work; he’s offering bromides and comfort to his unicorn of ordinariness in the hope that it will vote for him. Never let it be said that the right don’t virtue signal.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged | 18 Comments
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