Opinion: Forging ahead

Something of a debate has been captivating the Liberal Democrat blogosphere recently. I don’t think this is something unique to the Liberal Democrats as a party; each party and movement is going through something of a process of struggle and redefinition due to the new financial climate in which we find ourselves.

Whatever your general view of capitalism as a social system, it is absolutely true in my eyes that the limitations of the markets have been cruelly exposed in the past weeks. Of course, this is not true if you are a die-hard libertarian; what has been exposed for them is the problems with fettering their beloved market. However, the consensus of opinion, even in such ‘loyalist’ tomes like The Economist and Financial Times, weighs heavily against the libertarian view of the correct lessons that should be drawn from the current crisis.

What has been teased out is that there is a need for a new consensus; maybe even A New Start, as posited by David Allen on these very pages. Of course, your view of how we got here will necessarily determine your view of which way forward is right.

However, what is abundantly clear is that the nature of the Liberal Democrats as a political party mitigates against the adoption of anybody’s ‘maximum program’. I would no more want to be a member of a party that abandons concepts such as social justice and the welfare of the people that the state is supposed to serve, as any libertarian would want to be of a party committed to the nationalisation of the ‘commanding heights’, or even more extreme democratisation of capital.

So, middle ground has to be found. How can we go about this?

With regards to the state there is scope for consensus around the concept of an ‘enabling state’ which retains a role as ‘safety net’. The problem with abandoning this concept completely is that, whether libertarians like it or not, we live in a society where often huge disparities of wealth and power are an established fact, and the state is the only power in a position to be able to ‘level the playing field’.

In this sense the Lib Dems’ ‘Make it Happen’ policy paper remains a viable slogan which encapsulates the idea we want to push forward. Targeted tax cuts become acceptable under this umbrella because, as well as ‘relieving pressure’, they enable lower and middle income earners to spend more (in theory at least). However, they need to be coupled with a broader sweep of tax measures which do the same; it is no good robbing Peter to pay Paul, which is what you do if you reduce direct taxation through income only to lose it again in higher prices.

VAT needs to be looked at in serious depth, as does punitive taxation (above inflation increases on things such as smoking and drinking). Also, it needs to be made harder for companies to pass on taxation on their profits to the consumer. Green taxation is a thorny area where we need to take a long hard look at the impact of our proposals to ensure we are not committing the aforementioned robbery. Whether libertarians like it or not, realpolitik says that the libertarian fantasy of banishing the state from economic life is just that; an idle pipe-dream with no grounding in reality. The state is here to stay; rather than bemoaning that fact, there needs to be a recognition that the battle has already been fought and lost.

Some mention has been made of mutualism and left-libertarianism; and within both of these things there is germs of a consensual program. My question/concern about both these trends is the reality I mentioned above: that of huge power/wealth disparities. A slight dash of utopianism exists in both to my mind; essentially the notion that these disparities would allow for an equitable transition seems slightly fantastical to me. We will never know what Asquithian liberalism may have achieved because it was again turned over by that timeless enemy of all politicians; events, dear boy, events.

We do not live in Asquith’s world; we lived in the world shaped by the post-war welfare-ist consensus. And that evolution has left an apparatus that cannot be totally replaced by mutuals and co-operatives, certainly not overnight (and it is questionable if it ever could be). The state will thus have its role. A dramatic lurch in that direction would cause unprecedented social damage and dislocation.

A role for them in creating the ‘useful economic activity and generation of jobs’ that David Cameron wants us to promote could exist – however, that role would – certainly initially, and objectively for a long period of time thereafter – be dependant on state support for it’s fledgling growth. The state would also have a role in curbing ‘useless’ (or downright wasteful) economic activity or reward of such.

A small word needs to be said about non-economic state activity; this is much easier to curb although the limits the state sets itself are again a bone of contention. Liberal Democrats are very united in opposition to things like ID cards, for example, but when it comes to an issue like the smoking ban the lines of demarcation are much more widely drawn. Libertarians have to accept a wider role for the state in social responsibility. I, for example, think it is a very good thing that stringent regulation exists on the sale of firearms, and have absolutely no desire to see us travel down the ‘American road’ on this question.

Environmental concerns fall into a similar category. Libertarianism, taken to its logical conclusion, is anarchism because it abandons all notion of a state able to serve and protect. Rather than championing causes that will bring the shrinking of the state closer (measures of sometimes extreme democracy), it focuses narrowly on fostering resentment of anything that looks vaguely like state control. Thus there is no distinction between the introduction of ID cards (a totally unnecessary invasion of privacy) and the restriction of sales on firearms (necessary protective measures).

One thing is for certain, the debate is far from over, and the longer it continues the stronger our party will be in the long-run for having it.

* Darrell Goodliffe blogs at Moments of Clarity.

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15 Comments

  • David Allen 3rd Nov '08 - 5:44pm

    Joe Otten

    “Is there anything in your recipe that you didn’t believe in and call for before the current crisis?”

    Er, well as far as I’m concerned anyway, it’s a fair cop guv. However…..

    The fall of the Berlin Wall, likewise, didn’t really teach me anything about Communism that I didn’t already know. What it did do was put more power in my lungs (and others’ lungs) when yelling “Yah boo sucks, Commies, you’ve got it wrong, haven’t you?”

    Now, there were plenty of communists from places like Italy who argued at the time that it proved nothing of the sort, it only proved the error of building a wall around your citizens. They weren’t wholly wrong, but there were too many read-across issues for them to get away with that argument. Excessive State control had failed, and that was clear to all.

    Well now, here we have Darrell worrying quite legitimately about the very opposite kind of disease, a State that does too little, and lets banks and other big powerful organisations get out of control. And again, I think we can read across. The kinds of dangers we have seen with the banks may very well be matched by equivalent dangers with other types of organisation.

    There is of course loads of room for legitimate debate as to what is or isn’t a valid read-across! I will just pick schools as one topic. Now, I would certainly accept that we currently have far too much centralised control, an over-prescriptive bossy national curriculum, etc. However, a cautionary note has to be hit when we go to the opposite pole and look at academies or “free schools”. For example, I am not very happy when I see the State dipping out of its responsibilities, and letting rich Creationist businessmen take control of educating our young people!

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