Trump the Trickster: A teachable moment

Let’s imagine for a moment that Trump’s second presidency is a teachable moment. Instead of clutching our pearls, rolling our eyes, and denouncing his bully-boy belligerence, let’s look at him through a different lens. For all the tantrums and tumult, turmoil and toxicity, let’s ask ourselves: if Trump is here to inadvertently serve some higher purpose, what might that purpose be?

Across many cultures, there is a recurring figure in myth and psychology: the Trickster. The Trickster disrupts, breaks taboos, thumbs its nose at authority and exposes uncomfortable truths. They are rarely admirable, often infuriating, and sometimes dangerous. Yet their function is not simply to cause chaos. It is to reveal where systems are brittle, where assumptions are lazy, and where power has grown complacent.

Seen through this lens, Donald Trump is still deeply unadmirable. But he may be performing the archetypal role of the Trickster on the global stage, holding up a distorted mirror in which our vulnerabilities are thrown into sharp relief.

Sir Ed Davey has been robust in his attitude towards Trump, boycotting his state dinner and warning about the threat Trump poses to NATO, to the rule of law, and to the international cooperation on which Britain’s security and prosperity depend. That clarity matters. But beyond the immediate political response, there is a deeper question. What is this disruption revealing about the world we thought we lived in?

Three lessons stand out.

First, that Britain and Europe have been too comfortable in their reliance on the United States.

For decades, we have assumed that the US would always be a stable, values-aligned guarantor of global security. Trump’s transactional view of alliances, and his willingness to treat collective defence as a bargaining chip, shatters that assumption.

The lesson is not that the transatlantic relationship is unimportant. It is that strategic maturity means never putting all our eggs in one American basket. A Europe that invests seriously in its own security, energy resilience, technological capability and diplomatic reach is not turning its back on America. It is recognising that partnership is strongest when it is balanced, not dependent.

Trump the Trickster exposes the danger of complacency. He reminds us that alliances based on tradition rather than genuine partnership can quickly become fragile.

Second, that the rules-based international order only exists if we actively defend it.

Trump’s disdain for multilateral institutions, his enthusiasm for strongman politics, and his casual attitude to international law reveal an uncomfortable truth. The global system we describe as “rules-based” is not self-enforcing. It rests on shared norms and political will.

When powerful countries decide that rules are optional, the whole structure begins to wobble. The lesson for the UK is clear. We cannot be selective champions of international law, invoking it when convenient and overlooking breaches when committed by friends. Liberalism, at its best, is principled, consistent and internationalist.

That means strengthening NATO and the UN, standing up for the International Criminal Court, supporting climate agreements, and building deeper partnerships with countries that value cooperation over coercion. It also means being honest that global institutions need reform if they are to command trust in a changing world.

Trump the Trickster shows us how easily norms erode, and how urgently we need to defend and strengthen them.

Third, that democracy is far more vulnerable than we like to admit.

The most unsettling lesson strikes closer to home. Trump thrives in a climate of polarisation, disinformation and economic anxiety. His success exposes fracture lines within democratic societies, between the minority who hold power and the majority who feel ignored, insecure, and disconnected from decision-making.

The response cannot simply be to denounce populism, though we must challenge its falsehoods. It must be to rebuild the foundations of democratic trust. That means decentralising power back to communities, tackling inequality, revitalising local economies, strengthening civic education, defending independent media, and giving people a real sense that by being active participants, they can help create a better future for their community and for our country. If liberal democracy is to endure, it has to deliver security, dignity and voice, not just formal rights.

In mythology, the Trickster arrives when systems have grown rigid and self-satisfied. They are not sent to be liked. They are sent to force change.

I do not welcome Trump’s second presidency. But let’s look for the blessing that comes in this extremely heavy disguise. Let’s use this opportunity to motivate ourselves to become more self-reliant, more deeply embedded in a web of global alliances, more robust in defence of international law, and more serious about renewing our own democracy.

 

* Dr Roz Savage is the Liberal Democrat MP for the South Cotswolds.

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5 Comments

  • Steve Trevethan 23rd Jan '26 - 4:08pm

    Thank you for a useful article which encourages positive attitudes and thinking.

    Might a significant and encouraging facet of internatinal “rule based” cohesion is in the report below?

    “Only 19 client-state countries signed up [for Mr. Trump’s Board of Peace} and Netanyahu was forcedv to skip the signing ceremony after Switzerland confirmed it would enforce the I C C arrest warrant against him over war crimes in Gaza.”

    From the current edition of Counterpunch
    https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/01/23/roaming-charges-are-we-not-men-no-we-are-davos/

    P. S. How does N. A. T. O. funtion if it includes the current, predatory, agreement-breaking U. S. A?

  • I find the Trickster framing a helpful way of making sense of the disruption Trump represents, and I agree that his behaviour exposes where systems have grown brittle or complacent.

    I would only add a note of caution about causality. Trump isn’t here to teach us a lesson, and history isn’t guided by mythic intent; archetypes are something we reach for afterwards to interpret what’s happened.

    What really matters are the political, economic and institutional weaknesses that create the space for an opportunist to thrive. Seen that way, the challenge isn’t to wait for meaning to emerge from disruption, but to take responsibility for renewing the systems that constrain power. Metaphor helps us understand — but the work of repair still sits with us.

  • And I agree with Roz that the real danger exposed by Trump is the deep sense of disconnection felt by so many voters — a crucial point.

    Our institutions are generally sound in principle, yet they’ve been gradually captured by a relatively narrow elite who, through perfectly rational self-interest rather than malign intent, have concentrated power and influence in their own hands. The result is a system that works for those inside it while feeling distant and unresponsive to those outside.

    If liberal democracy is to recover trust, the task isn’t just institutional resilience, but reconnecting power to voters — so people feel the system is theirs, not something done to them.

  • Another post advocating more of the same…
    The next GE will be fought across those constituencies that labour lost in 2019 & gained back in 24…They are hemorrhaging support as immigration hasn’t brought any economic benefits whatsoever to communities its impounded issues – all the liberal left are offering is more of the same.

    Take a look at this video, ‘letnick globalisation video’ https://share.google/fbJoiLqBiL1S7ZX8e

  • Steve Comer 24th Jan '26 - 7:36am

    Worth reading Canada’s Liberal Prime Minister’s speech at Davos in full:
    https://www.thenewworld.co.uk/mark-carneys-speech-we-cant-work-with-trump-so-build-a-new-world/

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