Author Archives: Roz Savage MP

Liberalism in the age of AI: building an economy that liberates people

For most of the modern political era, economic debate has revolved around one central question: how do we create more jobs?

But what happens when technology begins reducing the need for human labour just as our population is ageing and demand for care, health and support is rising sharply?

Artificial intelligence is already reshaping parts of the economy at extraordinary speed. Entry-level legal work, coding, administration, customer service and research are all changing before our eyes. At the same time, Britain is growing older. More people are living longer, often with complex health or care needs, while birth rates fall and traditional career structures become less stable.

Some see this future and respond with fear. Others retreat into nostalgia, promising a return to a world that no longer exists – if indeed it ever did.

Liberals should do neither.

This moment demands something far more ambitious: a redesign of the economy around human flourishing. Because the real question is not simply how many jobs exist. It is whether people are able to develop their potential, contribute meaningfully, live with dignity and freedom, and participate fully in society throughout their lives. That, surely, is what Liberalism has always been about.

Liberalism at its best is not an ideology of atomised individuals competing endlessly in a market. It is a philosophy of human liberation. It asks how we remove barriers that prevent people from becoming who they are capable of becoming.

That means equality of opportunity. It means lifelong learning. It means decentralisation of power. It means freedom from poverty, insecurity and ill-health. And it means recognising that worthwhile work matters not only because it pays the bills, but because contribution, purpose and dignity are fundamental human needs.

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What is the economy for? Liberalism already knows the answer

What is the economy for?

It’s a simple question. But how we answer it underpins everything else in politics.

We created the economy to serve us – to make life easier, safer, better. It is a human system, designed to help people thrive.

But somewhere along the way, that relationship has become inverted. Too often, it feels as though people and communities are expected to bend themselves around the demands of the economy, rather than the other way round.

For decades, we have treated GDP growth as the ultimate measure of success. If the number goes up, we assume things are getting better. But most people instinctively know that isn’t the full story.

GDP can rise while people feel less secure, less connected, and less hopeful. It can rise while our rivers are polluted, our soils depleted, and our public services stretched. It can rise while inequality widens and communities fracture.

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Trust the people: the Liberal politics of human potential

There is a deep fault line running through politics today. On one side are those who believe people should be empowered – free to learn, question, create and fulfil their potential. On the other are those who believe society functions best when people are compliant – guided from above and discouraged from asking too many questions.

For Liberal Democrats, that divide goes to the heart of our philosophy. Our commitment to liberty, equality and democracy begins with a belief in people. Liberalism assumes that individuals, when given freedom, opportunity and a meaningful voice, are capable of shaping their own lives and contributing to the common good.

But history shows that every increase in human freedom has been contested.

  • The right to vote.
  • The right to education.
  • The right to organise politically.
  • The right of women to participate fully in public life.
  • The right to speak freely, worship freely and live openly.

Each advance faced fierce resistance from those who feared what might happen if ordinary people gained greater agency over their own lives. That tension continues today. Across the world we see governments concentrating authority, narrowing the space for dissent and tightening control over information. Even in long-established democracies, many citizens feel decisions affecting their lives are drifting further away from them.

The deeper question behind these trends is philosophical rather than procedural: what do we believe human beings are capable of? Do we trust people to think, deliberate and take responsibility? Or do we assume most people need to be managed – even controlled?

Taiwan’s digital minister Audrey Tang captured this when she said:

It’s not about whether people trust the government. It’s about whether government trusts the people.

Taiwan’s Covid response demonstrates what that philosophy looks like in practice. The government released public data and invited civic technologists to help design solutions. Hackathons brought together volunteers to build tools such as the now-famous “mask map”, showing real-time availability of masks across pharmacies. Citizens were not treated as passive recipients of policy. They became collaborators in solving the problem. Because information was shared openly, trust grew rather than eroded. Mask wearing became a widely accepted social norm rather than a political battleground.

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Roz Savage MP writes: Not left, Not right. Liberal.

Not Left. Not Right. Liberal.

The Green victory in the Manchester Gorton and Denton by-election should stiffen every Liberal Democrat spine.

Not because we suddenly face a new political opponent. But because it reveals something important about the electorate.

Voters are restless. They are frustrated with managerial politics. They are wary of institutions. And when they sense conviction, clarity and purpose – even if they do not agree with every detail – they respond positively.

That matters to us, and our future strategy. 

If we do not define clearly what Liberalism stands for, others will fill that space with their own narratives of change. The Manchester result is not simply about the Greens. It is about a wider hunger for something that feels principled and future-facing.

And that makes it more urgent than ever that we explain who we are.

Every few years someone tries to pin down the Liberal Democrats to a position on the traditional political spectrum. Are you left or right? Are you centrist?

It is an understandable question. British politics has trained us to see everything through that narrow lens – a straight line stretching from higher taxes to lower taxes, from big state to small state.

But that axis no longer explains the world we are living in. And it certainly does not capture what British Liberalism is about.

The word “liberal” has become slippery. Some hear it and think libertarian – no rules, no guardrails. Others assume it means American-style progressivism. Neither is correct. British Liberalism is its own tradition: rooted in liberty, fairness, community and the decentralisation of power.

If we accept the old frame, we fight on someone else’s battlefield. If we redefine it, we start telling a much more compelling story.

So what is the alternative?

Open vs Closed

The dividing line in modern politics is increasingly not economic theory but mindset.

Open politics is confident, cooperative and outward-looking. It believes Britain succeeds when we work with others, welcome new ideas, and adapt to change – to the excitement of new experiences and learning from others. It values evidence over dogma and sees diversity not as a threat but as enrichment.

Closed politics is defensive and tribal. It thrives on suspicion and nostalgia. It prefers blame to problem-solving.

That does not map neatly onto left or right. It cuts across them.

As Liberals, we are unapologetically on the side of openness – to trade, to ideas, to scrutiny, to renewal.

In Manchester, voters backed a party that projected a clear moral stance and a sense of direction. If we want to compete in that space, we must be equally clear about ours.

Power hoarded vs Power shared

If there is one axis that defines Liberalism more than any other, it is this.

Do we concentrate power in Westminster, in corporate monopolies, in unaccountable institutions? Or do we share it – and give power back to the people?

When we argue for electoral reform, we are arguing for shared political power.

When we back community energy and SMEs, we are arguing for shared economic power.

When we push for devolution, citizens’ assemblies, co-operatives and local procurement, we are saying that the people affected by decisions should shape them.

This is not technocracy. It is democratic imagination.

If we are centrists, it is purely because our belief in the individual means we are as wary of the reach of the state as we are about the clout of big business.

That instinct – sceptical of concentrated power wherever it sits – is the golden thread of British Liberalism.

And it is precisely this instinct that allows us to offer something distinctive in our winnable seats: not just protest, but power; not just anger, but agency.

Short-term vs Long-term

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Trump the Trickster: A teachable moment

Let’s imagine for a moment that Trump’s second presidency is a teachable moment. Instead of clutching our pearls, rolling our eyes, and denouncing his bully-boy belligerence, let’s look at him through a different lens. For all the tantrums and tumult, turmoil and toxicity, let’s ask ourselves: if Trump is here to inadvertently serve some higher purpose, what might that purpose be?

Across many cultures, there is a recurring figure in myth and psychology: the Trickster. The Trickster disrupts, breaks taboos, thumbs its nose at authority and exposes uncomfortable truths. They are rarely admirable, often infuriating, and sometimes dangerous. Yet their function is not simply to cause chaos. It is to reveal where systems are brittle, where assumptions are lazy, and where power has grown complacent.

Seen through this lens, Donald Trump is still deeply unadmirable. But he may be performing the archetypal role of the Trickster on the global stage, holding up a distorted mirror in which our vulnerabilities are thrown into sharp relief.

Sir Ed Davey has been robust in his attitude towards Trump, boycotting his state dinner and warning about the threat Trump poses to NATO, to the rule of law, and to the international cooperation on which Britain’s security and prosperity depend. That clarity matters. But beyond the immediate political response, there is a deeper question. What is this disruption revealing about the world we thought we lived in?

Three lessons stand out.

First, that Britain and Europe have been too comfortable in their reliance on the United States.

For decades, we have assumed that the US would always be a stable, values-aligned guarantor of global security. Trump’s transactional view of alliances, and his willingness to treat collective defence as a bargaining chip, shatters that assumption.

The lesson is not that the transatlantic relationship is unimportant. It is that strategic maturity means never putting all our eggs in one American basket. A Europe that invests seriously in its own security, energy resilience, technological capability and diplomatic reach is not turning its back on America. It is recognising that partnership is strongest when it is balanced, not dependent.

Trump the Trickster exposes the danger of complacency. He reminds us that alliances based on tradition rather than genuine partnership can quickly become fragile.

Second, that the rules-based international order only exists if we actively defend it.

Trump’s disdain for multilateral institutions, his enthusiasm for strongman politics, and his casual attitude to international law reveal an uncomfortable truth. The global system we describe as “rules-based” is not self-enforcing. It rests on shared norms and political will.

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Why Principles matter more than Policies

I have a dark and deeply embarrassing confession to make.

I once voted for Margaret Thatcher.

Please don’t rush to judge me just yet. I’m sharing this not to shock, but because it contains an uncomfortable truth about how people really make political choices – and what liberals ignore at our peril.

When I cast that vote, I was young and foolish – and politically uninformed. I didn’t grow up in a household where politics was discussed. My parents voted, but never said who for. Politics wasn’t taught in school, at least not in any meaningful way. I didn’t yet have the tools to ask the most basic questions of power: who funds this party? What does the leader actually believe? Who benefits from their policies – and who pays the price?

That leads to the first lesson. Citizenship education matters. Democracy only works if people are equipped with critical thinking skills, not just facts, but the habit of interrogation. Without that, voters are left to rely on shortcuts or haphazard choices.

Which brings me to the second lesson: visibility matters. At the time, Thatcher was already Prime Minister. She was familiar. I felt I knew her. And the human brain, wired as it is to minimise risk, usually prefers the known to the unknown.

We see the same dynamic today. Donald Trump’s rise was not just about ideology; it was about exposure. He was ubiquitous long before he entered politics. People felt they knew him, and familiarity breeds a misplaced sense of safety.

I hear a similar pattern emerging among younger voters in the UK. Many are gravitating towards Reform or the Greens, not because they’ve exhaustively compared manifestos, but because those are the voices that dominate their digital world. The larger parties are simply absent from their daily reality.

Ask yourself honestly: are you more likely to trust a party that speaks directly into the spaces you inhabit, or one whose existence barely registers?

The third lesson is the most uncomfortable of all. Voters are drawn to leaders with clear, coherent principles – even when those principles are deeply flawed.

The brain is a prediction machine. It wants to know what comes next. Leaders who behave erratically feel unsafe, in the same way an unpredictable caregiver feels unsafe. Consistency, even toxic consistency, can be reassuring.

For all his many faults, Trump usually tells us what he intends to do. He may not deliver on everything, but his underlying themes – self-interest, deal-making, aggression – form a grimly coherent worldview.

Posted in Op-eds | 30 Comments

Roz Savage MP writes: Tough on Farage, tough on the causes of Farage

Nigel Farage is not the disease but a symptom of a sick system. Here’s how we can fix it.

Nature abhors a vacuum. Britain’s party-political system has been hollowing out for years – declining membership, falling trust and a widening gap between politicians and the public. Into that gap stepped Nigel Farage. Yet if it hadn’t been him, it would almost certainly have been someone like him. Cometh the hour, cometh the Farage.

Much commentary has focused on the man himself. Ed Davey’s attacks on Farage draw applause from our Lib Dem faithful, but there is a deeper point that we also need to address. Farage is not an isolated phenomenon; he is a symptom of something larger. To focus solely on him is like blaming the thermometer for the fever it reveals.

A virus finds easy purchase when the body is weakened, out of balance, and unable to defend itself. The British body politic has, for some time, shown all the classic signs of chronic ill health: economic dislocation, regional inequality, stagnant wages, and cultural alienation. The traditional parties – once robust immune systems for democracy – have been weakened by a widening cultural and geographic divide between government and governed, the collapse of traditional media and rise of polarising social platforms, decades of globalisation, political scandal and sleaze, and policy convergence that has left little daylight between the main parties. They now struggle to generate genuine loyalty or enthusiasm. In such a weakened system, populist contagion spreads quickly.

The people responding to Farage’s message are not just caricatures of “Little Englanders” or one-dimensional xenophobes. Many are working-class voters in post-industrial towns who feel left behind by globalisation, austerity, and rapid social change. Others are small business owners, tradespeople, or retirees who see public institutions fraying and feel that no one in Westminster is listening to them. These groups share a sense of political invisibility and economic precarity – fertile ground for a figure promising to disrupt the system.

It is said that “we get the politicians we deserve.” But perhaps it’s more accurate to say that current social and political conditions generate the politicians we deserve. When mainstream parties retreat from certain debates, when their internal cultures become homogenous and their policies technocratic, they create the conditions for outsiders to rise.

The Liberal Democrats are uniquely placed to offer the antidote. Our longstanding commitment to devolving power from Westminster, introducing fairer voting, and strengthening local government would reconnect citizens with decision-making and rebuild trust. Investment in public services, green jobs and regional development would address the inequalities that fuel resentment, while our defence of civil liberties and international cooperation offers a positive alternative to isolationism and populism. We also need to prioritise rejuvenating the institutions that once kept the social contract strong, such as the NHS, council housing, and a social safety net that keeps families from falling into poverty. By tackling the root causes of alienation rather than its symptoms, we can help restore balance to Britain’s body politic and make our democracy resilient again.

We already have the strong policies. What we need now is an equally strong story, one that carries the punch of authenticity and credibility so people know not just what we stand against, but what we stand for. Here is what that story could sound like:

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