Tag Archives: andy burnham

Burnham has left a gap on tax. We should run through it.

In his first interview as Labour’s presumptive Prime Minister, Andy Burnham told the Sunday Times that one issue kept coming up on the doorstep in Makerfield: the frozen £12,570 personal allowance. He called it a growing issue. Within days of walking into Downing Street he had told the Financial Times there was no commitment to do anything about it.

That is a let down for anyone earning near the threshold. It is also a gap in the defence, and we should run through it.

He raised the subject, then walked away from it

Politicians do not usually hand their opponents a grievance. Burnham did. He spent months telling voters that the freeze was unfair, that it was dragging people who are not well off into paying tax they should never have paid, and that Westminster was not listening. He was right. Westminster was not listening. Unfortunately, having become the boss himself, he has proved that it still is not.

What he offered instead was an £850 million package taking VAT off household electricity. It is worth about £45 off a typical annual bill, and rather more than that if you are wealthy enough to own a large house and use a lot of power. It is planned for this financial year only. And because the saving rises with the amount you use, it gives nobody any reason at all to take less from the grid. Alongside it came a cut in the bus fare cap to £2 and a month of free travel for under 15s.

Cheaper buses are good. Lower bills are good for households, even if they are not necessarily good for the environment. But set it against the freeze, which now runs to April 2031, and the sums do not work. Our own figures show 1.9 million more people being dragged into the higher rate between 2025 and 2030. Victoria Collins has costed the wider threshold freeze at £67 billion a year for ten million taxpayers by the end of the decade. Against that, £45 for one winter is a press release, not a plan.

Voters are perfectly capable of doing that arithmetic. They will do it in October when the bills arrive.

The policy is already ours

Here is the part we keep forgetting. We do not need to invent anything. What we need to do is stop saying five words: “when the public finances allow”.

That caveat kills the policy. It turns a principle into a wish. No number, no date, and no answer to the only question anyone ever asks.

Because the policy itself is strong. Raising the personal allowance is the single most successful thing we did in government. Between 2010 and 2015 we lifted more than three million people out of income tax altogether. Not by means testing. Not by a scheme people had to apply for. Just by letting people keep more of what they earned before the state took any of it.

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A plea to our new Prime Minister – abolish me!

It has been a big week for me, personally. On Thursday 16 July, the government announced 26 new members of the House of Lords – and I am one of them: I am to be Lord Leunig. Since it is His Majesty’s Government, the official announcement read “The King has been graciously pleased to signify His intention of conferring Peerages of the United Kingdom for Life upon the undermentioned:

Sixteen new peers will be Labour, five Liberal Democrat (including me), and three Conservative. These twenty four were nominated by their political parties. The remaining two will be “crossbenchers”, that is, not taking the whip from any political party.

Those numbers: sixteen, five, three and two are entirely, as I understand it, the choice of the PM. He could have created no peers at all, or had a completely different ratio. He could have created peers for other parties, and he could have offered Count Binface a peerage. It really is up to him. (For those wondering why the Conservatives got only three new peers, they have more peers than other parties already: to be honest I am surprised that they were given any.) But either way, it is the PM’s choice. There are currently no Reform Lords, and only two Greens.

The House of Lords is indefensible in so many ways. Once appointed, peers have been appointed for life, although a retirement age of 80 is planned. That means I could be a legislator for almost 25 years – in which time my views could change spectacularly, or my principles lose support in the country. In neither case would I be removed. A side effect is that peers are typically rather old – the majority are over 70, and well over a third are over 80.

Nor is the Lords representative. Whether they win or lose general elections, the Conservative party always has more peers than Labour. No other democracy gives one party the biggest share of legislators, no matter how badly that party does in elections. That is offensive to anyone who calls themselves a democrat.

The Lords are unrepresentative in other ways. Fewer than a third of peers are women. Some political parties do better: 45% of Labour and 43% of Liberal Democrat peers are women, similar to their Commons mix (46% and 44% respectively). In contrast only 29% of Conservative peers are women. More than half of peers attended private schools.

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Mathew on Monday: Burnham has made a promising start. Now comes the hard part

Andy Burnham’s first speech as the new Prime Minister, outside No.10 Downing Street, earlier today, struck exactly the right tone. After years of political instability, he spoke of restoring trust, rebuilding Britain, devolving power and creating a new economic and political model. It was hopeful, ambitious and refreshingly optimistic.

Britain has been crying out for a politics that inspires rather than merely manages.
One pledge particularly struck me: his commitment to make ending rough sleeping his first instruction as Prime Minister. It speaks to values I share about dignity and compassion. Yet it also comes with a note of caution. Burnham made a similar commitment as Mayor of Greater Manchester, achieving significant early progress before homelessness later rose again amid wider housing pressures. National government gives him more levers than City Hall ever did, but this promise will ultimately be judged on results, not rhetoric.

His reshaping of the Cabinet (from what we know of it as I write) is equally significant. The departure of prominent figures associated with the Starmer era (Rachel Reeves, David Lammy, Steve Reed, Peter Kyle etc) signals that this is not intended to be continuity with a different face.

If Burnham genuinely wants a fresh start, he needs ministers who share his vision rather than yesterday’s assumptions.

For all of the excitement of today, however, governments are not remembered for inauguration speeches. They are remembered for what they achieve (or, perhaps more often, what they don’t. Burnham will have a honeymoon, but it may well only be a brief break.

I genuinely hope he succeeds. Britain needs stable, compassionate and effective government. The words outside No.10 were encouraging. The challenge now is turning them into lasting change. That is the test by which this premiership will ultimately be judged.

Where is the anger on Local Government reorganisation?

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Orange with Bits

The British political establishment will be pulling off another stunning magic trick. With Sir Keir Starmer’s departure from Downing Street, the Labour Party has crowned its new leader, and Andy Burnham will be going through the black door of 10 Downing Street on a regular basis. The flags will be red, the rhetoric will be unashamedly Labour, and the history books will record it as a victory for the governing party’s soft-left faction.

But if you ignore the partisan badges and look closely at the actual structural blueprint Burnham is bringing from Manchester to Whitehall, a fascinating question emerges: Are we actually about to witness the arrival of the UK’s first Liberal Democrat Prime Minister?

Don’t be fooled by the red tie. Look closely at what Burnham is actually doing, and you see an admission of absolute intellectual bankruptcy from the national Labour Party. Having spent two years in government drifting without a clear ideological anchor, Labour has been forced to commit an act of shameless ideological theft. To save themselves, they have raided the Liberal Democrat policy pantry, stealing the very clothes our party has meticulously tailored for years. Why should voters settle for a pale, focus-grouped imitation when they can have the real thing?

The Stolen Successes: Raiding Our Pantry

Let’s be fair: where Burnham’s platform actually shines, he is simply copying our homework. Take his headline promise to oversee the biggest council and social housebuilding programme since the post-war period. It is a fantastic policy, but it wasn’t invented in Manchester. In the last general election, it was the Liberal Democrats who held the most aggressive, unapologetic housebuilding targets in the country.

The same copycat strategy extends to older voters. Before entering Downing Street, Burnham had been firm on his public commitment to uphold the state pension triple lock despite growing fiscal friction. It is another example of a policy the Liberal Democrats originally created and championed to guarantee community stability. Whenever Labour needs a trusted mechanism to safeguard family incomes and protect vulnerable communities, they have to reach for one of our templates.

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If Andy Burnham isn’t the Messiah… Good

“He’s not the Messiah,” a voice from the Conservative benches heckled during Andy Burnham’s swearing-in.

Quite right. Britain doesn’t need another political saviour. We’ve spent far too long investing our hopes in the next charismatic leader, only to discover that no Prime Minister, however capable, can fix our beleaguered country with a laying on of hands.

If I had 15 minutes with Andy Burnham as he crosses the threshold of Number Ten, I wouldn’t expect him to work miracles to rescue Britain. Instead, I’d ask him to help build a Britain that no longer needs rescuing.

1. Redistribute power

Power has been sucked into Westminster and Whitehall for decades. The UK raises less than 6% of tax revenue locally, against an OECD average of 11%; we are the most fiscally centralised country in the G7, and 62% of local government funding comes from Whitehall grants, more than any comparable economy. Since 2010-11, councils’ core spending power has fallen 18% in real terms per person, a cut of almost £14 billion, hitting deprived areas hardest. Too much hinges on who occupies Number 10, because too little power exists anywhere else.

Democratic renewal should be the foundation of any reforming government: proportional representation (49% public support against 26% for first-past-the-post, spanning party lines), cleaner political funding, and devolution that reaches neighbourhoods and communities, not just city halls. Citizens’ assemblies, participatory budgeting and community ownership turn politics from something done to people into something done with them. Liberal Democrats have always understood that freedom is the practical power to shape your own life, not merely freedom from interference.

2. Build a resilient Britain

Our politics has been optimised for growth, as though GDP were the purpose of society rather than simply one measure of its success. Growth matters, but it isn’t enough: an economy can grow while communities weaken, services deteriorate and nature declines. Given the challenges ahead, I would propose a different mission: optimise for resilience.

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Defining our future in Burnham Britain

British politics has been reshaped. Andy Burnham has consolidated the centre left, pushed Reform to the margins and made a progressive coalition government the new baseline. The right is fragmented and unable to command a majority. In this new landscape, the Liberal Democrats face a simple but brutal question: will we be the kingmakers who define the next era, or the footnote that history barely records?

Current polling points to three possible futures. The difference between them is not fate. It is choice.

The first future is collapse. If we enter the next general election without bold, memorable policies, with weak national leadership and no clear position on rejoining the EU, we risk falling back to around 12 seats. In this scenario, Burnham’s Labour consolidates the progressive vote in urban and suburban seats. The Conservatives recover enough in the Blue Wall and rural constituencies to win back many of our 2024 gains. We are left with a handful of ultra Remain, highly educated seats, clinging to relevance as a token junior partner in any coalition. Our brand is shattered, our leverage is minimal and our voice is drowned out.

The second future is survival. If we run a competent but unexciting campaign, we end up with roughly 55 seats. Burnham’s Labour continues to surge, reaching around a third of the national vote and becoming the largest party by a clear margin. Much of that gain comes at our expense and from the Greens, especially in London, the South East and university towns. We hold many of our 2024 gains but lose ground where Labour re establishes itself as the default progressive choice. We remain the second largest force in a progressive coalition, but we are weakened. We can extract concessions on local government, education and some environmental policies, but we cannot dictate the direction of travel on Europe, tax or public services. We are relevant, but not decisive.

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“I’ve worked with Andy Burnham. There is much to look forward to”

An interesting perspective on working with Andy Burnham comes from former Special Adviser to Nick Clegg Shabnum Mustapha. Shabnum advised Nick on Scotland media matters during the coalition years.

In 2019, she moved to Manchester to take up a job with the Greater Manchester Authority as Assistant Director of news and media. She writes about how then Mayor Andy Burnham, before he was King of the North and Future PM, operated:

My experience of working with him is that he gets things done. He has a strong work ethic, he’s very driven and he’s ambitious about what he wants to deliver. For those of us who had to get on and do the delivering, it could be tough with long hours, and we were being constantly stretched to go further and faster. However, Burnham’s strength is that he keeps people motivated, he takes people on the journey with him, and he always went out of his way to thank and acknowledge colleagues for their work.

He’s likeable and he makes people feel that he’ll stand up for them which is why the showdown during Covid resonated with a lot of people outside of Greater Manchester and led to the moniker “King of the North”. He reminds me of the late Charles Kennedy who had the charm to put people at ease, he could speak human and he had the ability to transcend party politics.

He also has a bit of Vince Cable about him. Having worked for both, I never knew what they were going to say in a speech until they said it because they didn’t use notes. It may sound like I’m a Burnham fangirl but I’m not. I’m actually a card-carrying member of the Liberal Democrats and I worked as a political adviser to Nick Clegg when he was Deputy Prime Minister during the coalition years.

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Andy Burnham has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to renew British democracy. He should take it.

On Monday I had lunch with an American friend who was visiting London. I mentioned that later that day I was co-sponsoring an event in Parliament with Labour MP Clive Lewis on the subject of defending UK democracy.

Her expression changed immediately. “Please,” she said, “learn from us.”

She wasn’t talking about Donald Trump as an individual. She was talking about what has happened to the institutions of American democracy over the past few years, especially in the 18 months of Trump 2.0.

“We assumed the system would protect itself. We assumed there would always be enough guardrails. We assumed no one would really push it that far.” Then she paused. “Please don’t let our pain have been in vain.”

We need to look across the Atlantic, and pay heed. Because I fear we sometimes comfort ourselves with exactly the same assumptions. Britain, we tell ourselves, is different. Our institutions are older. Our democracy is stronger. Our traditions will protect us.

But democracies are not self-defending. They need rules and structures that don’t assume only good people acting in good faith, but can withstand bad actors willing to exploit every weakness they can find.

That was the central message of the Defensive Constitutional Reform report that was the basis of our panel discussion on Monday night. It argues that Britain has relied for too long on what Peter Hennessy famously called the “good chaps” theory of government: the comforting assumption that those who attain power will generally exercise it responsibly. In an era of disinformation, billionaire influence, hostile foreign interference and growing political polarisation, that assumption no longer looks sufficient.

Rebuilding trust in democracy

Last week, I argued that first-past-the-post is no longer simply unfair. It is becoming dangerous.

This week I want to ask a different question. If we agree our democracy needs strengthening, how should we go about it?

The answer matters because we are living through a profound crisis of confidence in politics itself. Too many people no longer believe their voice matters. Too many feel governments are imposed upon them rather than chosen by them. Too many look at Westminster and conclude that politics is something done by elites, for elites.

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Vince Cable writes: Manchesterism and Localism

Andy Burnham’s launch speech in Manchester raised hopes of a sustained plan to devolve power away from Whitehall.  If the reality matches the rhetoric, that will be a massive achievement and will greatly improve our system of governance.

But any Liberal Democrat who has been battling for decades for genuine local, community-based decision making and against the infantilisation of local government is entitled to some scepticism.  My own formative experience is somewhat different: serving in the Coalition Cabinet which first launched the idea of devolving powers to elected mayors for city-regions broadly on the London model (prompted by a report for the Coalition by Michael Heseltine) ; and having earlier served as a  – then, Labour – City Councillor in Glasgow) in the early 1970’s, before Scottish devolution, and when councils had serious powers (inter alia, we could appoint head teachers, build council houses and set the rents).

The fundamental idea that decisions by public. authorities should be made as close as possible to local communities – subsidiarity- is not in dispute. As a leading force in local government- and, at times, the leading force, Liberal Democrats have sought to apply that principle and have often tried to devolve further to lower, ward, levels.   But they have been swimming against the tide of gradual centralisation as successive governments have stripped away local powers in the interests of a national ideology or of financial control. As a result, we are highly centralised (and especially so in England after substantial devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland).

Devolution of power is not the same thing as decentralisation or relocation. Various governments have despatched government departments to the provinces to be administered locally. Under the Boris Johnson administration, Darlington became a northern outpost of government. Andy Burnham envisages some Cabinet Office activities being based in Manchester. In the day, I recall advocating the relocation of the Treasury to Liverpool as a means of shifting thinking regionally. But none of these approaches empower people in towns and cities outside London.

There is an important distinction between devolution of power to spend central government tax revenue on local priorities and fiscal autonomy with responsibility for local revenue raising. British devolution is largely the former albeit with very limited (income) tax raising powers for the Scottish and Welsh governments. There is nothing like the revenue raising responsibility of Danish local government or German Lander, let alone US states and, so far, city mayors have none. Arguably, city mayors have become popular- or at least unobjectionable – precisely because they can spend without having to tax, though spending discretion is better than none. 

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Battling Burnham: a Liberal Democrat response

From Gladstone and Home Rule, Grimond and Regionalism, Ashdown and Devolution and even Daisy’s plan to move the Treasury,decentralising the British state has always been a Liberal Democrat ambition. Glad to see Andy Burnham and the Labour Party are finally catching up. The right’s Brexit warcry of Take Back Control can be repelled like a skilled Jiu-Jitsu practitioner and transformed from scapegoating minorities to truly rebalancing our country.

However in our algorithm-driven age, the British people are unfamiliar with our approach to place, devolution,federalism or electoral reform. As Mark Carney has told us ‘Nostalgia is not a strategy! We must regain the initiative on the devolution debate and expose Labour’s belief in the State being the answer with a more considered approach. Modern politics is a battle of stories and we need to become better storytellers because we have a great story to tell.

While we should welcome Burnham’s conversion, we should push him to make truly meaningful change. Metro Mayoralties and Combined Authorities face a democratic deficit with only the Mayors facing their entire regional electorate. London is a better model with a London-wide Assembly and elected Mayor. For English regions from the South East to the North West to the Senedd and Scottish Parliament, it is time to devolve all domestic policy to regional assemblies with elected First Ministers and tax-raising powers.

Let Westminster set minimum standards but the regions and nations decide what their NHS, Health and Social Care, Housing and Infrastructure policy should look like. English Regional Assemblies will require a smaller Westminster focused on national taxation, foreign affairs and defence and finally an elected Upper House under a reformed voting system. But why should the British people care?

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Why Britain should be wary of Andy Burnham’s Devolution Revolution

Andy Burnham’s political appeal is easy to understand. At a time when Westminster appears remote, ineffective and disconnected from much of England, his call for devolution speaks directly to a widespread belief that power is too concentrated in London.

Burnham’s argument addresses a genuine problem. Britain is one of the most centralised democracies in the developed world. Decisions affecting communities hundreds of miles from Westminster are routinely made by ministers and civil servants with little understanding of local circumstances. The frustration this creates is entirely justified.

Yet supporters of constitutional reform should be careful not to confuse devolution with democracy.

The question is not whether power should leave Westminster. It should. The question is what happens to that power once it arrives elsewhere.

In “Head North”, Burnham and Steve Rotherham set out a vision of stronger regions, more powerful metro mayors and greater local autonomy. It is an attractive idea because it promises to rebalance the country and revive local decision-making.

The danger is that it may simply replace one concentration of power with another.

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Andy Burnham’s transport record: Who benefits and who gets left behind?

Transport has become one of Andy Burnham’s defining issues as Mayor of Greater Manchester. He has championed the Bee Network, argued for London-style powers and made public transport central to his vision for the city region.

There have been real achievements. Greater Manchester has introduced bus franchising, giving local leaders more control over routes, fares and standards. The region is also moving towards a more integrated transport system.

However, the key question is not who controls the network. It is whether people can get where they need to go quickly, reliably and affordably.

For many residents, the answer is yes. For others, especially those living in Greater Manchester’s outer towns, the picture is very different.

Few places illustrate this better than Heywood.

With a population of around 30,000, Heywood is one of the largest towns in Greater Manchester without a station on the national rail network. It has no Metrolink connection and no direct bus service to Manchester city centre.

For many commuters, travelling into Manchester means changing buses along the way. During rush hour, the journey can take up to 90 minutes each way. For a town less than ten miles from the city centre, that is a serious barrier to jobs, education, healthcare and opportunity.

This is not simply an inconvenience. It is an issue of fairness.

While some communities enjoy direct rail services, fast tram connections and frequent routes into Manchester, others remain dependent on slow and indirect journeys. Access to opportunity should not depend on where someone happens to live.

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Andy Burnham’s NHS record: Devolution, delivery and the limits of local power

Andy Burnham often describes health and social care devolution in Greater Manchester as one of the most important reforms of his political career. Few politicians have invested more effort in the idea that local leaders can improve public services by bringing decisions closer to the people they serve.

Yet ten years after Greater Manchester became the first English region to take control of a devolved health and social care budget, an important question remains: has the experiment delivered the improvements its supporters promised?

Since 2016, Greater Manchester has exercised significant influence over the planning and integration of NHS and social care services. While the NHS remains a national service, Greater Manchester has enjoyed more freedom than most parts of England to coordinate healthcare, social care and wider public services.

Supporters point to genuine successes. Greater Manchester was widely praised for cooperation between councils, the NHS and other public bodies during the Covid-19 pandemic. It has also pioneered programmes designed to bring health and social care closer together and tackle the wider causes of poor health.

Burnham has consistently argued that health outcomes are shaped not only by hospitals and GP surgeries but also by housing, employment, transport and poverty. Many health experts would agree.

However, the case for devolution was never simply about improving cooperation. It was also about improving results.

Here the picture becomes more complicated.

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Andy Burnham’s record on policing: Success story or missed opportunity?

Andy Burnham’s role as Mayor of Greater Manchester comes with a responsibility that is often overlooked. As well as leading the city region, he also holds the powers previously exercised by the Police and Crime Commissioner. That means he is ultimately responsible for overseeing Greater Manchester Police (GMP), setting priorities and holding the force to account.

As with housing, Burnham’s record on policing is more complex than either supporters or critics sometimes admit.

The strongest criticism of Burnham’s policing record is that one of the biggest scandals in the history of GMP happened on his watch.

In 2020, inspectors placed GMP into special measures after finding the force had failed to record more than 80,000 crimes in a single year. Around one in five reported crimes, and one in four violent crimes, were not being properly recorded. Inspectors described the service being provided to victims as poor, and the Chief Constable resigned shortly afterwards.

This was not a minor administrative failure. If crimes are not recorded, victims may not receive support, offenders may not be investigated and policymakers may not have an accurate picture of crime levels.

Critics argue that this raises questions about oversight. Burnham became responsible for policing in 2017. By the time inspectors intervened in 2020, the force had been under his supervision for more than three years. While he was not responsible for day-to-day management, accountability is a central part of the Police and Crime Commissioner role.

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Burnham: Strategic implications

Much of the UK media coverage of an expected Burnham government later this year has focused on personalities and relatively trivial policy proposals.

Broader strategic issues have largely been absent. 

However, Burnham’s local transport reforms and administrative refinements in Manchester have shown a desire to ‘make the state work’. Burnham has implied that a ‘privatisation mentality’ and an obsession with opaquely contracting everything out to the private sector, has led to the abandonment of attempts to make state institutions work properly. He’s out to challenge such assumptions, he implies.

This concept seems to lie behind Burnham’s ideas about the nationalisation of large monopolistic utility companies, which have become ‘financialised’ and thus even more abusive of power.

Burnham’s experience in Manchester seems to have convinced him that over-centralisation in government is inefficient; a departure from traditional socialist almost-religious belief in scale economies. His decentralisation verve includes fiscal decentralisation, envisaging local authorities, especially cities, raising more funds with their own taxes and levies; and switching to national taxes and hypothecated levies, which are easier to decentralise across the regions. (At present about 75%-85% of local authority income comes from Central Government, with micro-managing conditions attached).

Burnham’s attitude to economics seems superficial, but he appears to place emphasis on removing inhibitors to the growth of small businesses, in both taxes and regulation, and sees regional state authorities as having a major role in the promotion of private business activity, almost French-style. However, to help avoid a debt crisis the Burnham approach involves both tax reform and a broad rise in the tax burden.

Notwithstanding, there is no emphasis from Burnham on macroeconomic policy, but he does adhere to the concept of debt-financed Keynesian stimulae. However, in capital markets the link between higher borrowing and higher borrowing costs (even ‘borrowing to invest’) is based on the assumption that most of the consequent spending is inefficient and unproductive. Burnham implies that by making borrow-to-invest more efficient, he can break the link between higher borrowing and higher borrowing costs.

Where are the main challenges for Burnham, given such interpretations of the Burnham approach ?

The underlying problem is the Labour Party itself.

The Labour Party is no longer the party of ‘industrial labour’. It is the party of the bureaucracy and governmental institutions … and their contractors. As such they have more clout per capita than industrial labour; dual-hatted civil servants, local authority staffs, NHS, education, welfare-and-care, quangos, transport, et al.

This means Burham will face stiff resistance to a cull of governmental contractors, any increases in efficiency, or any real regulatory streamlining.

Any attempt to address the No 1 underlying problems of a sclerotic and impenetrable local and national UK state, will be vigorously opposed. 

The UK state is so sclerotic that projects seem to take three times longer than comparable countries to complete, and cost three times as much. Does Burham know why ? It may even be a taboo topic within the ‘Party of the Bureaucracy’.

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Andy Burnham’s housing challenge: Why his own arguments demand more than Labour’s current plans

Andy Burnham is one of Labour’s most popular politicians. As Mayor of Greater Manchester, he has made housing and homelessness central to his public image. Yet his record raises an important question. If Burnham were ever to become Prime Minister, would Labour’s current housing policies be enough to solve the problems he says have held Greater Manchester back?

The starting point is Burnham’s own record.

When he became Mayor in 2017, Burnham promised to end rough sleeping by 2020. That target was not met. To be fair, there was real progress. The official rough sleeping count across Greater Manchester fell from 268 people in 2017 to 89 in 2021, the lowest level recorded since 2013.

Programmes such as A Bed Every Night and Housing First clearly helped many vulnerable people. Burnham deserves credit for making homelessness a political priority at a time when too many leaders ignored the issue.

However, the improvement did not last. The official count rose to 149 people in 2023, and subsequent reporting suggests rough sleeping has increased for four consecutive years since the 2021 low point. While levels remain below the 2017 peak, rough sleeping has not been eliminated and homelessness services continue to face heavy pressure.

Supporters of Burnham argue, with some justification, that he inherited problems created by decades of national policy failures, welfare cuts and a shortage of affordable homes. Yet Burnham himself chose to make homelessness one of the defining tests of his mayoralty. Judged against the ambition he set out, the results are mixed.

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Vince Cable writes…Labour and Fiscal Rules

The nation waits for the people of Makerfield to decide whether Keir Starmer will face a challenge from his most plausible and electable Labour critic. Were Andy Burnham to emerge victorious and to challenge for the party leadership, this would signal a shift to what is being called the ‘soft left’.

One of the most deeply held convictions of those in this political space is that the government is being held back from more ‘progressive’ policies by unduly restrictive fiscal rules which exist to reassure ‘the bond markets’ that the UK is a trustworthy, reliable borrower.

Andy Burnham’s position on the …

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Labour’s internal power struggle could cost taxpayers more than £5 million

Taxpayers are facing a bill likely exceeding £5 million as Labour manoeuvres to bring Andy Burnham back into Westminster ahead of a possible leadership challenge to Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer.

According to ITV News Granada, the combined cost of the Greater Manchester Mayoral Election and the forthcoming Makerfield by-election could “reach £5 million”. The report cited official Greater Manchester Combined Authority figures showing the 2024 mayoral election cost £4,719,754, while the Makerfield by-election has an administrative budget of £226,208 before additional freepost and campaign-related public costs are included.

However, that estimate did not include the earlier Gorton and Denton by-election, where Andy Burnham had also sought a route back to Parliament before Labour’s NEC blocked his candidacy.

Government figures previously showed the average cost of running a Westminster by-election was £228,964 as far back as 2016, meaning the real modern-day cost is likely considerably higher once inflation and operational pressures are accounted for.

Using the publicly available figures, the estimated taxpayer cost linked to Labour’s attempts to return Andy Burnham to Westminster is therefore likely to exceed:

  • £4,719,754 for the Greater Manchester mayoral election
  • £226,208 for the Makerfield by-election administration
  • approximately £228,964 or more for the earlier Gorton and Denton by-election

This produces a combined estimated total of at least £5.17 million, before accounting for inflation-adjusted by-election costs, Royal Mail freepost entitlements for candidates, staffing overtime, policing, venue hire, and associated election administration costs.

Surely, at a time when families are struggling with rising bills, councils remain under financial pressure, and public services are stretched, taxpayers should not be expected to foot a multi-million-pound bill to make up for Labour’s poor internal succession planning.

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Police in schools will disproportionately inhibit BAME and LGBTQ pupils

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‘Black Lives Matter’ is an ingenious piece of political messaging because it hits on something so emphatically undeniable that to try to alter or contradict it is to reveal profound ignorance. A powerful and undeniable phrase that shines an ultraviolet light on some of our society’s most uncomfortable truths, privileges and injustices.

As the recent protests and social media campaigns have shown, there are lots of ways that all of us can help but I want to highlight one campaign that should strike a chord with anyone of a liberal persuasion and that is the campaign against school-based police officers.

For context I strongly urge Liberal Democrat colleagues across the country – and especially in the North West of England – to follow Kids of Colour and Northern Police Monitoring Project on social media. The two organisations have set up the ‘No Police In Schools’ campaign in response to the proposed roll out of school-based officers (SBPOs) by Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham.

Burnham claims the officers will help tackle violent crime amongst young people but, in reality, his proposal will change schools from places of support and safety, to places of punitive social control with young people of colour and those who are LGBTQ disproportionately inhibited as a result. Aside from the distinct absence of any meaningful consultation with students, parents, teachers or community groups there is also a distinct lack of evidence that school-based policing leads to a reduction in violent crime amongst young people. According to the British Medical Journal, the hours between which under 16s are at the highest risk from violent crime are 4pm – 6pm, so an approach that places an officer inside a school during school hours is unlikely to be a deterrent.

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Clegg’s letter to Burnham: “you may have inadvertently misled” Commons on Labour’s NHS privatisation record

clegg on leveson 2Nick Clegg fielded Prime Minister’s Questions today, during which he noted that Labour’s shadow health secretary Andy Burnham is “the only man in England who has ever privatised an NHS hospital”. Mr Burham complained that Nick had misled the House of Commons over the issue of Hichingbrooke Hospital, accusing him of “sheer inaccuracy”. The Lib Dem leader lost no time in responding:

Dear Andy,

I see that you raised a Point of Order in the House of Commons and that you accused me of “sheer inaccuracy”. I am always happy to confirm the accuracy of what I have said.

Posted in News, Parliament and PMQs | Also tagged , , , and | 32 Comments

Opinion: What Andy Burnham didn’t tell you about NHS privatisation

nhs sign lrgAndy Burnham’s recent set-piece speech on the NHS, the latest instalment of Labour’s “summer offensive”, opened with a neat bit of scene-setting. By briefly championing a group of Darlington mothers who are presently marching 300 miles in protest at the use of private providers in the NHS, he conjured a mood of protest while subtly co-opting their campaign. Thereafter he sought only to reduce the 2015 general election to a “binary choice” between “a part-privatised, two-tier health market under David Cameron” and “a public, integrated national health and care service under Labour.”

In terms of how he defined that choice, though, Burnham could hardly have done worse than to frame his argument with an example from Cambridgeshire, singling out for particular criticism its attempt to integrate care services for older people.

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Labour health policy descends into mess on first day of conference

At a Q&A session, Labour leader Ed Miliband said:

I think what would be not sensible is for us to come along and say, ‘well, Andrew Lansley, now Jeremy Hunt, they’re changing all the arrangements, have these new clinical commissioning groups and so on, and we’re just going to reverse it all back and spend another £3bn on another top-down bureaucratic organisation.

So Labour wouldn’t just reverse all the Health and Social Care Act changes? That would mean quietly forgetting some of the rhetoric about how the passage of the Act would kill the NHS, but it’s easy to see why …

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Do you remember how Labour’s London campaign collapsed into chaos and confusion in 1998?

No, I don’t either. Which leaves me puzzled.

Because, you see, Labour MP and campaign coordinator Andy Burham has said that his party would not be working much for a Yes vote in the AV referendum as,

It would be a recipe for chaos and confusion if Labour candidates were also supporting AV in their literature.

Odd then that it wasn’t a recipe for chaos and confusion in London in 1998 when there was a referendum on the same day as other elections. And I’m sure that the fact that the 1998 referendum was introduced by a Labour government whilst the 2011 one …

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LDV survey: Lib Dem members think Mili-D would make best Labour leader (but Balls would be best for us)

Lib Dem Voice has polled our members-only forum to discover what Lib Dem members think of the early race for the party presidency, the London mayoral selection, Trident, and the Labour leadership. Over 400 party members have responded, and we’ve been publishing the full results.

This Saturday we find out who will be the next Labour leader. The assumption is it will be neck-and-neck between the Brothers Miliband, David and Ed. David has been the favourite throughout the summer-long contest, but in the last few weeks theres been a sense that the race has tightened with many folk now tipping …

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Who would get your vote in the Labour leadership contest?

The weekend papers were full of speculation about the Labour leadership contest, which as it draws to a close appears to be a nail-bitingly close finish between the Brothers Miliband.

According to pollster YouGov, Ed Miliband is set to sneak victory by the closest of margins after second preferences are taken into account; though the poll didn’t appear to take into account the votes of MPs and MEPs who control one-third of Labour’s electoral college. This is not, after all, a party which believes all votes should be equal, whether in Parliamentary constituencies or in their own leadership race.

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Dave reckons Mili-D’s the biggest threat: for the record, so do I

David Cameron has ‘let it be known’ (ie, his press team briefed the Guardian) that shadow foreign secretary David Miliband “poses the greatest threat to the Conservative party of all the candidates in the Labour leadership contest”.

How to interpret this? Is Dave’s backing of David a cunning bluff: the Tory leader backing the most New Labour-identified candidate to put Labour members off backing him? Or could it be an even cunninger double bluff: the Tory leader, knowing his endorsement could be read as a bluff, backing the most media-awkward candidate in the hope Labour members will vote for …

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Opinion: Who do we want to win the Labour leadership election?

It’s been interesting to see the final list of nominations for Labour Party leader which, for those that missed it, is:

Diane Abbott
Ed Balls
Andy Burnham
David Miliband
Ed Miliband

The response from all quarters about the list first that its very ‘samey’, with much said about tokenism and the inclusion of Diane Abbott, not because she’s black or a woman but because she represents the old left of the party. That got me to thinking about who would be the best from a Lib Dem point of view.

A Leftie

Dianne Abbott is the only real left leaning candidate. A Labour party under her ministrations would …

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Want to know who the most liberal Labour leadership contender is?

Before the election, Lib Dem Voice launched How Authoritarian is your MP?, a website which ranked how authoritarian – or liberal – were MPs in the 2005-10 parliament based on their voting record on 10 key issues. These ranged from ID cards to detention without trial to freedom of speech.

The five candidates for the Labour leadership are now official – so we can now see how their voting record compares, and name the contender who is, officially, the most liberal potential Labour leader …

(NB: if you click on their name you can see how their voting record stacks up).

1. Diane Abbott.

36% authoritarian, 64% liberal.

Posted in News | Also tagged , , , , , and | 35 Comments

LDV members’ survey (2): Labour leadership – Ed Miliband wins your vote (but Ed Balls would be best for Lib Dems)

Lib Dem Voice has been conducting a survey this week of party members registered on our members’ forum asking them for their views of the coalition, Labour leadership and the party’s general election result. Over 400 have responded, and here’s part two of what you’ve told us …

LDV asked: Putting aside your Lib Dem allegiance who do you think would make the best Labour leader?

Here’s what you said:

37% – Ed Miliband
25% – Diane Abbott
17% – David Miliband
9% – Andy Burnham
8% – John McDonnell
3% – Ed Balls
(Excluding Don’t know / No opinion =

Posted in LDV Members poll | Also tagged , , , , and | 11 Comments

The price of a Labour marginal? £81 million

Earlier this year Professor Tim Briggs, medical director of the Royal National Orthopaedic Hospital at Stanmore, threatened to challenge local MP Tony McNulty and stand as an independent candidate for Harrow East. Professor Briggs was angry that after a 15 year campaign for funding to rebuild the hospital and a decision to fund essential repairs two years ago, the hospital remains in a state of disrepair, with rainwater seeping through ceilings and a maintenance backlog estimated at £54 million. The situation had worsened further, when a row between the hospital and NHS London intensified, leading to fears that the hospital could be split up as part of a restructuring process to save money.

Within four days of Professor Briggs announcement, Andy Burnham, the Secretary of State for Health had agreed an emergency meeting to discuss funding for the hospital. And on the last full business day before the General Election, an £81 million package to rebuild the hospital was announced. Professor Briggs expressed his delight at the decision, but not his surprise. Andy Burnham expressed similar thoughts when the Professor later announced that he would not now seek to join Dr Richard Taylor on the green benches. Making the announcement, Andy Burnham said, “Tony brought me here in 2006 and made the case for the hospital and for his constituency, and for me it was unfinished business.” One wonders why it took four years for the business to be finished?

Posted in General Election and News | Also tagged , , and | 5 Comments
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