Author Archives: Rodrigo Palmer

Post-growth ecological liberalism: A regenerative care economy within planetary limits

Whether our economies can absolutely decouple from environmental harm at the scale required to mitigate the worst consequences of the socio-ecological crisis is a central debate in sustainability academia. Whilst green growthers and techno-optimists consider these achievable, ecological economists and post-growthers like myself are much more sceptical.

There are many peer-reviewed articles on both sides, with the post-growth movement gaining significant gravitas in economic and policy circles. A global survey of 789 climate policy researchers revealed increased scepticism towards green growth approaches. Following these findings, a vision for how an ecological, post-growth liberal society could work is increasingly necessary.

Our growth economies are designed primarily to generate surplus capital efficiently to fulfil societal needs and wants. An economy designed in such a way is doomed by a hamartia: a constant structural dilemma. Balancing just economic development with protecting necessary ecological spaces, all whilst not aggravating the social-ecological crisis, is developing into a near-Sisyphean task.

Such a dilemma would be eased significantly in a post-growth liberal economy, because it would be designed for ecological stability. The economy would be regenerative by design, with the adoption of the circular economy and technological developments in resource efficiency being core to its success. Whether growth is desirable would be subject to a rigorous cost-benefit analysis, considering both social and environmental factors.

A post-growth liberal economy is grounded in the precautionary principle in environmental law. Whilst the debate of whether absolute decoupling remains ongoing, urgent action is required now. The socio-ecological crisis is much too pressing and urgent to warrant absolute certainty in this central academic debate.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 17 Comments

A Liberal Steady-State Economy? 

Our current economic models are not fit for purpose. They fail to tackle the social-ecological crisis. 

And people know this.

Since 2008, a pattern has emerged. From Brexit in 2016, to Boris’ victory in 2019, to Labour’s victory in 2024, the Greens and Reform’s ongoing political boom, all these political phenomena share one common thread. 

Frustration. Anger. Resentment towards the status quo.

And rightly so. 

Our political leaders, regardless of political party (excluding the Greens), all talk about “going for growth”. We blindly chase economic growth, but we never seem to ask the question: at what cost? Who does economic growth really serve? 

By following neoclassical economic theory, we create an economic system that can exist in a spectrum between two states: recession or growth. 

Our current economic system is designed so that when both extreme states occur, the most powerful benefit the most, and the poorest suffer the most whilst benefitting the least. 

We are sold the idea that anyone can invest in the stock market, invest successfully, and achieve monetary returns. But not everyone has the luxury to afford an investment portfolio, most people are barely scraping by. So when these companies grow, the returns mostly end up concentrated amongst those who have the largest and most diversified investment portfolios, disproportionately benefitting the richest and most powerful.

When there is a crash, we are told that “the big banks cannot fail”. Large corporations obfuscate by arguing they are the ‘engines’ of economic growth. Such power means they exert sizable influence over our political leaders, because they have the monetary power to  significantly influence a country’s economic outcomes. 

So we bail them out. More of our public money goes into private hands. 

What we are witnessing globally is a gradual, systemic transfer of wealth. Such an economic system is not inevitable. But when we choose to design our economies by following neoclassical, and more specifically neoliberal macroeconomic models, the system strongly reinforces the positions of the richest and most powerful. Such an economy denies the poorest and most vulnerable freedom, and is deeply illiberal.

It can be said that economic growth has taken people out of poverty. “There are millions who are no longer in poverty because of growth”, is a narrative frequently cheered by so-called “think tanks” such as the IEA. They would be right in some developing economies, but to what extent is this true in the UK

Certainly in our western, developed economies, there are many across the country who are yet to feel the benefits of economic growth. The Global Inequality Report 2026 paints a sobering picture of increasing global inequality. Trends clearly show increasing wealth inequality in the UK.

In neoclassical economic models, the Solow-Swan growth model shows how economies can theoretically deliver exponential economic growth. This is the dream scenario for our political leaders, because it means they can postpone making the much harder political choice of redistribution of wealth. 

However, the Solow-Swan model is incomplete. It does not account for the importance of exergy to growth, and largely omits the flows of material resources within an economy, which are subject to strict thermodynamic limits. Such a model suggests that economies can grow independently of material flows, with the economy being able to expand ex nihilo, which does not align with physical reality. 

Our economy is a physical, thermodynamic, non-equilibrium system that exists within the biosphere, transforming natural resources into useful products for human consumption. 

The steady-state economy offers a realistic and just alternative grounded in science. It does not reject markets, markets can allocate resources efficiently, albeit with some limitations. What the steady-state economy offers is stability. No booms, no busts. No “growth for growth’s sake”. Growth is only sought with evidence-based, scientific analysis to seek whether it is truly desirable.

We have clearly hit a stage where growth is no longer socially nor environmentally desirable. But we currently exist within an economic system in which growth is intrinsic to success. And this needs to change.

In order to reach a steady state economy, we require:

– The redistribution of wealth to the poorest in our society to have a socially just economy.
– A period of degrowth to have an economy within planetary limits.

Degrowth is a means to an end. It is not recession, nor is it austerity. Such analyses are based on the assumption that our economic system cannot be changed. That is not true. The need is clear, all we require is the political will. There are just and sensible policies which can be pursued to ensure that people’s social and material condition remains stable.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 38 Comments

All aboard the status quo: We don’t need a department for growth; we need a department for beyond growth.

Let me make this clear: GDP is not an accurate measure of prosperity. Nor is it an adequate measure of wealth. As Robert U. Ayres argues in “The Economic Growth Engine”, it is a measure of economic activity. It only accounts for capital that is generated as a result of the depletion of “natural capital” (i.e the environment).  It does not account for societal wellbeing; nor does it account for the losses of wealth (i.e pollution) resulting from the depletion of “natural capital” resulting from economic activity.

So with all of these limitations, why on earth are policymakers, politicians, and economists still using it as a metric for social and economic progress?

Not accounting for the costs of pollution is a choice, but the fact is that these costs remain present. The reason why we don’t see the costs of economic growth is because economists dismiss them as “externalities”. This is how the current Labour Government can justify that a “win-win for economic growth and natural recovery,” (DEFRA: Environmental Improvement Plan, 2025) can happen, even though growing the economy is inherently coupled to the depletion of the natural environment. You don’t get an economic product from nothing, you have to get the resources from somewhere, and that only comes from either the extraction from the natural environment or from solar energy.

Aside from the essential renewable energy transition which can use solar energy to fuel the pursuit of economic growth, there will always exist economic needs and thus industries that require the extraction of natural resources. The EV transition is an example of this, with electric batteries requiring the extraction of critical Earth minerals. The increasing demand for EVs due to the green transition will inevitably lead to greater depletion of the natural environment.

It can be correctly argued that a move to a circular economy will reduce the pressure for industry to extract resources from the natural environment. The circular economy is a vital component of an environmentally just world: by extending the life-cycle of products we can massively reduce the environmental impact of the economy. However, even if as Ayres argues that 100% recycling is theoretically possible in a closed system, it is not a practical aim.

As an item is recycled, the useful energy we can extract from it degrades over time. The more times we recycle a product, the more energy we have to put in to extract the useful energy out of it. We would have to put increasingly larger amounts of energy into a product to recycle it, and this aim is not realistic.

How many solar panels, wind farms, dams would we need to build to obtain this energy to recycle these products repeatedly, on top of the increasing electricity demand that we require for the green transition? Imagine the extent to which we would have to deplete the natural environment to extract the necessary raw materials required to build that.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 31 Comments

Does post-growth economics belong in the Liberal Democrats?

Does post-growth economics belong in the Liberal Democrats? Questioning the principle of eternal economic growth is such a heresy to the orthodox economic order, that by most it is rejected outright. We live in a world so addicted to growth that envisioning a world that exists outside this paradigm is seen as almost impossible.

We are currently experiencing a social-ecological polycrisis: rising inequality, climate change, it is all driven by the economy transgressing several planetary boundaries. Green growthers respond to this by rightly identifying that green investment and a path to net zero is essential to tackling the climate crisis. They also correctly cite examples of countries such as the UK managing to relatively decouple GDP growth from carbon emissions, which is great.

However, GDP growth must not just be relatively decoupled but absolutely decoupled from environmental impact. Green growthers argue that green growth will provide the necessary technological innovations required for absolute decoupling to occur.

However, when you apply the laws of thermodynamics to analyse the relationship between our natural environment and the economy, a different picture emerges. We can consider earth to be a closed system for materials and an open system for energy because Earth receives solar energy. The second law of thermodynamics sets the physical limits for economic processes from physical work and production to the energy needed to use information (Landauer’s Principle).

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged | 33 Comments

Climate change is here: coral reefs are dying – but ecological economics provides an answer

According to the Global Tipping Points Report published by the University of Exeter and other partners, “The world has entered a new reality. Global warming will soon exceed 1.5°C. where multiple climate tipping points pose catastrophic risks to billions of people.” Most tragically, “warm-water coral reefs are crossing their thermal tipping point and experiencing unprecedented dieback, threatening the livelihoods of hundreds of millions who depend on them.”

This is a betrayal of a generation, and the product of systemic political failure. A failure to recognise the climate crisis for what it is – an urgent crisis with serious, long-lasting consequences for the most vulnerable. A failure of politicians to understand the implications of what a warming climate truly means for those who will live, and are living to suffer it. Where surpassing Earth System Tipping Points poses “a potentially catastrophic, irreversible outcome for humanity.”

There seems to be a fundamental misunderstanding by politicians and conventional economists as to why we are currently facing the problems we are facing. The economy is a social construct, which means you cannot have an economy without a society, and you can’t have a society without a home: our planet. The economy is not external to our environment; you cannot have an economy without a society nor an environment. However, our current dominant economic paradigm, neoclassical economics, which is advising our policymaking, is based on complete fiction. For example, it puts forward a circular flow diagram, which states that all you have is households and businesses, and as long as there is a flow of capital and labour between them both, growth can continue forever. But this is pure fantasy. Where do you extract resources from? Where does the waste that households produce go? Our environment – but yet it is nowhere to be found in this diagram.

Economics is in desperate need of an update, and in the wake of the first tipping point being passed, the time is now for us to call on our party for a new economic vision for our country. We cannot continue to desperately chase fairytales of endless growth without looking at the costs of our increasing consumption on the environment. If you accept that the economy is a social construct within our environment, then you also accept that we must live within planetary boundaries and limits. However, because our current economics does not recognise the environment as the fundamental basis for our society or economy, these limits are being far exceeded.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 8 Comments

Beyond Neoliberalism: Rethinking freedom to create a post-growth liberalism fit for the 21st Century

The year is 1906. With the Conservatives failing to implement social reforms, people were desperate for change. Life under the Conservative government had significantly worsened – Booth’s study found that at least 30% of London’s population was living in poverty. Therefore, the British electorate responded with a landslide Liberal victory. But what sort of change would the New Liberal government bring?

The New Liberal government recognised that the only way to move the country forward was to embrace radical change. Thus, New Liberalism was born. It was a philosophy which for the first time recognised that the state could have a positive role, acting as a safety net for the most vulnerable. New Liberalism laid the foundations for one of our country’s proudest achievements: the welfare state. Free school meals in 1906, National Insurance in 1911 – these welfare reforms were only possible thanks to New Liberalism.

Liberalism laid the foundations for a new paradigm before, and it is now time for Liberalism to do so again. Climate change is the biggest issue that humanity has ever faced, and such a pressing issue requires a radical response. Just as New Liberals realised that classical liberalism was failing them, we must realise that neoliberalism is failing us. If neoliberalism had the answer, then why is inequality the highest it has been in 30 years, why are ecosystems being pushed to collapse, and why are global temperatures still rising? The only way we can progress is if we recognise the obvious – neoliberalism is dead. It must be stopped dead in its tracks and consigned to history.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged | 20 Comments

Please, give young people like me a reason to hope and dream again

The freedom to hope and dream is a precious thing. It is something which I treasure. The ability to wonder and aspire is something that us young people are constantly reminded to do. But I find it hard to dream. I found out about the climate crisis when I was about 12/13 years old and as the curious person I am I decided to read about it. I would read these IPCC reports trying my best to break them down and understand them. I distinctly remember the beginnings of the climate movement, Greta Thunberg talking about it, and I was so curious to find out more.

Once I truly understood it, I felt depressed. I felt trapped. It felt hopeless, like something beyond my control. Then I found politics. Politics I felt was a way in which I could use that hopelessness and turn it into passion, hope and drive to push for the solutions we need. I did all I could: I presented assemblies in school about the climate crisis, I successfully lobbied my school to implement a long-term sustainability strategy, I chaired a local climate action summit in which young people came together to discuss climate solutions. These are all things I am immensely proud of.

Looking at this government, I see no hope at all, no vision. They are not taking the climate crisis seriously, few people are. There doesn’t seem to be an urgency. If we were, it would be all over the headlines. We would be implementing long-term plans, we would stop our investments in fossil fuels, we would be investing in infrastructure. Don’t take it from me: the solutions are all there – there are experts who have devoted their livelihoods to advising, lobbying and pushing for the change we need. We just need to listen to them. These people have been banging their head against a brick wall for decades, they deserve the attention they have been asking for.

As the third biggest party, we have a responsibility to the people of this nation to tell it to them like it is. For example, we have an obligation to tell this government that investing £1 billion pounds in carbon capture is not good enough. Instead, we should use that money for technology which we know works: wind farms, solar panels. Trees – they capture carbon too! I am not against development in technology, but we frankly do not have the time. This is urgent. The Climate and Nature Bill is a great start, but we must do more. We need a long-term, cross party sustainability plan to reduce emissions to below 1.5 degrees Celsius.

I will only be free to dream, hope and aspire once we truly take this seriously. Right now, I do not feel free. I look to the future with dread, with sadness. Just like those who were in East Berlin, I feel trapped and frightened. I can see the solutions are so close, just like those in East Berlin could see freedom and prosperity so close, but they were trapped. All I can see are barriers, massive barriers in front of me. The day that we finally take this seriously – and treat the crisis as a crisis will be the day my Berlin wall falls, and it will be one of the happiest days in my life. I will finally be free, and be able to dream.

Posted in Op-eds | Tagged and | 5 Comments
Advert

Recent Comments

  • Jenny Barnes
    "For a journey of, say, 7 miles on narrow winding roads carrying the weekly shopping?" It's generally thought that up to 5 miles is a reasonable everyday cycli...
  • Alex Macfie
    Here is the Open Rights Group position (author James Baker is a Lib Dem member BTW). https://www.openrightsgroup.org/press-releases/starmers-social-media-ban-f...
  • keith creswell
    First post again as a rebuttal to the above posts: On democracy The 2016 referendum was advisory, passed with 52% on promises later shown to be misleading (th...
  • Tristan Ward
    @ David raw Your relentless negativity is depressing and unhelpful. Please stop moaning. Consider instead: Increasing income tax threasholds to £10,000 ...
  • Keith Creswell
    And from a personal perspective as a former resident of Sweden and Denmark, married to a Dane and a parent/grandparent/great grandparent: On social cohesion ...