The defeat of Hong Kong’s 2025 LGBT Bill marked a sobering moment for equality advocates across Asia. The bill would have granted limited rights, such as in medical and funeral matters, to same-sex couples who had already registered their unions overseas. Moreover, it was meant to comply with a 2023 court ruling. City legislators, however, voted it down 14 to 71.

What made sentiments harsher was that the failed bill neither legalised same-sex marriage nor established civil partnerships. Same-sex couples would still have to resort to registering civil partnerships in nearby countries such as Taiwan and Thailand. They would continue to face discrimination in society, especially regarding funeral arrangements and medical treatment. The Guardian even went so far as to criticise the bill for offering only the “bare minimum” of rights to same-sex couples.

Hong Kong society, however, overwhelmingly supports same-sex marriage. According to opinion polls, over 83% of Hong Kong citizens do not oppose same-sex relationships, and more than 60% agree with legalising same-sex marriage. Meanwhile, of the 14 legislators who voted “aye,” most will not stand again, making the chances of passing the bill even slimmer.

Hong Kong’s struggle is not unique in the Asia-Pacific region. Traditional Asian familial values remain the dominant factor, particularly among the older generations.

Take Taiwan as an example. Opposition there came from religious organisations and traditionalists, who claimed that same-sex marriage would destroy the definition of family, undermine the traditional social order, and further lower the birth rate.

Yet Taiwan became the first Asian country to legalise same-sex marriage in 2019. This was no accident. The government had embarked on reforming the education system years earlier. The Gender Equality Education Act, passed in 2004, required gender education (including LGBT topics) to be part of the primary and secondary school curriculum. Since then, Taiwanese society has become increasingly open to accepting LGBT communities, leading to a cross-party consensus that culminated in marriage equality through a 2019 referendum. It was the result of decades of cultural change driven by education and dialogue.

To this day, only Taiwan and Thailand have fully legalised same-sex marriage, while Japan has taken a more conservative stance. Japanese government had not legalised any status of same sex couples, but some forms of recognition for cohabitation are issued by most of the prefectural authorities, but these certificates are not equivalent to marriage. As such, same-sex couples in Japan do not enjoy the same rights as married couples—such as applying for joint mortgages, adopting children as a couple, or inheriting assets if one partner passes away.

Although the Japanese public became more favourable to legalising same sex relationship according in latest opinion polls, it remains deeply divided. With Sanae Takaichi, who openly opposes same sex marriage, on course of becoming the next Japanese Prime Minister, further rights of same sex relationship is in limbo.

Further south, the picture grows bleaker. Same-sex relationships remain criminalised in Malaysia and Indonesia, and LGBT rights will likely remain taboo in these societies for the foreseeable future.

And in the most populous country in the region- China crackdowns on LGBT activism have intensified since President Xi took office. Not only have LGBT rights been suppressed, but social events such as Pride have been banned, and dating platforms like Grindr have been removed from app stores. Jin Xing, the only transgender TV talk show host in China since 2012, was banned from all television channels in 2021. For these countries, the prospects for LGBT rights remain distant.

Against this backdrop, how could European liberal parties support our sister parties in Asia on LGBT rights?

Our sisters’ parties in the Asia-Pacific, outside Japan and Taiwan, often operate in precarious semi-democracies. At the same time, there is a genuine need for Western governments to engage with these semi-democracies to counter China’s growing influence in the region. Heavy-handed approaches, such as diplomatic isolation or public criticism, are unlikely to improve LGBT rights.

Since the major obstacles in these countries stem from deeply rooted traditional values, Taiwan’s experience shows that progress is possible through soft power. Successful equality campaigns in Europe, and examples of harmony in tolerant societies, can be shared through cultural and experiential exchanges. International organisations such as Liberal International can play a vital role in promoting liberal values and offering insights into education and cultural policies.

The pathway forward lies in collaboration between civil groups and policymakers to gradually shift social attitudes—while continuing to advance the broader agenda of democratic development.

* Larry is an elected representative in the Federal International Relations Committee and the ‘Against Authoritarianism’ sub-committee. He also chairs the Liberal Democrats Friends of Hong Kong.