The Conservatives’ proposal to resuscitate the Right to Buy through increasing discounts appears to be an attempt to bask in some of Mrs Thatcher’s reflected glory. Unlike the 1980s version, though, Mr Cameron and Mr Shapps are emphasizing that each property sold will be matched with a newly built property at “affordable” rent. This is an attempt to head off criticisms that the Right to Buy reduces the supply of “social” housing. So, it would appear, this initiative could lead to a net increase in the housing stock.
Of course, things are never as they first appear. It is not yet clear how the Government will be able to deliver on this pledge of one-for-one. Bigger discounts mean lower revenues. The broader reform of the Housing Revenue Account includes requirements to pay 75% of receipts to the Treasury. The Q+A released by DCLG on Sunday indicates that using RTB receipts to repay debt will still be part of the picture. So there appears, on the face of it, to be a gap between the money raised from sales and the money that would be available for new build. No doubt that gap will be filled by the expectation that landlords will borrow against their current asset base – a strategy that will relatively rapidly come up against serious constraints. The new Right to Buy policy will also, if it takes off, most likely accelerate the change in the profile of social housing tenants towards the poorest.
As you can tell, I’m sceptical about the impacts of this policy. But it has the positive effect of focusing the housing discussion. Everyone involved in housing agrees we face problems. Almost everyone agrees that there are long standing problems of under-supply. Layered upon this are problems of access and affordability. The question is how to address these problems.
The Government has brought forward a number of new or revised initiatives. FirstBuy is intended to assist first time buyers with the costs of accessing the housing market. The first household purchasing a house through the scheme – in Bridgwater in Somerset -completed last week. The New Homes Bonus is intended to incentivise local authorities and local communities to support development in their area. The Housing Minister is keen on “mates mortgages” which allow groups of friends to buy together. The new “affordable” rent regime allows registered providers such as housing associations to construct new housing, but at higher rents and not in the same volumes as were being built by Labour.
The problem with most of these initiatives is that – however desirable they may be individually – they are too small to make much of a dent in the problem.
The real boost to housing supply – from the Government’s perspective – will come from the reform of the planning system and the early release of land in public ownership for development.
The reforms of planning are massively controversial, and the debate has been polarised into some very simplistic positions between the pro-development and the conservation lobbies. At the core of the debate is the presumption in favour of sustainable development. But there is also the developing recognition that the Government is proposing to get rid of many of the mechanisms local authorities have relied on to deliver social and affordable housing. Anyone who has read the draft National Planning Policy Framework will know that its authors don’t provide a clear definition of sustainable development and have no real appreciation of what it means. It is a document that prioritizes growth and new development except where “the adverse impacts of doing so would significantly and demonstrably outweigh the benefits”. That apparently simple “common sense” requirement will no doubt launch a raft of legal challenges.
This is not perhaps surprising. It is relatively well-known that the development industry has had a large influence over the drafting of the NPPF, as it does over the ministers concerned. Indeed, Mike Slade, chairman of the Conservative Property Federation, was recently reported in the Telegraph as saying:
They [ministers] know nothing, they’ve never been in the real world, and they need to be told what the facts are and the British Property Federation, the Property Forum and lots of other people they engage with do that.
This emphasis upon “facts” – rather than perspective – finds an echo in the draft NPPF which pointed insists that local authorities have an obligation to meet “objectively assessed development needs”. We don’t have the space here to explore how facts and objective assessments are hard to come by in something as politically contested as development planning.
The Government’s approach is problematic because it is so partial. Few who are familiar with the housing system would deny that the planning system contributes to the problems of housing supply. It has been under scrutiny for the last decade. But the problem is more complex than that. For example, top down targets did not, all on their own, cause low rates of house building, as the Housing Minister is wont to argue.
To understand housing supply we need to go beyond the planning system. We need to understand cultural attitudes to development; intergenerational relations; the impact of advocating local development on political support; the peculiar structure of the UK construction industry, which relies upon subcontracting and has limited incentive to provide high quality accommodation; and the role of local spatial monopolies in sustaining house prices through controlled release of land. We also need to recognise that severe economic cycles and shortages of mortgage finance make it difficult to forecast demand. The system is pervaded with volatility and uncertainty. And that impacts upon developers’ willingness to build.
An accessible, balanced summary of the issues entitled More Homes and Better Places has recently been produced by the Building and Social Housing Foundation.
Until policy is willing to recognise and grapple with these more wide-ranging issues then progress is going to be limited. And for policy to do that it is going to need to look beyond the world as seen from the developers’ perspective.
Alex Marsh is a Liberal Democrat member who blogs at alexsarchives.wordpress.com.
7 Comments
Good article, Alex, thanks. The ‘son of right to buy’ is the wrong answer to the right question. How it will deliver no net loss in social homes is very unclear when the revenue from each sale has to (according to the DCLG):
– fund a new home
– pay down national debt, and
– compensate the local authority for the impact on its Housing Revenue Account
This is all much harder to do if the discounts offered are large, as the govt say they want them to be.
What’s so worrying isn’t that the Tories are making this up as they go along without any really clear idea of what they’re doing in housing – we expect that – but that our ministers are reported as having supported these plans. Whoever is advising Clegg and Alexander should be taken out the back and disposed of, as they are clearly not up to the job. Either that, or they really are as right-wing and ignorant as their Tory counterparts.
very good article
Good article. And nice to see some balance between the ‘all houses good’ and ‘any building bad’ polarised positions.
Alex
I reached the bottom of your article and didn’t find the answer to boosting supply. Good analysis of the current problems though. Although there is a slight of hand going on hear to shift sector further from social to affordable housing.
What is your view on the old Tenants Incentive Scheme – where tenants were given a contribution to a deposit to purchase a home in the private sector as opposed to a right to buy. The TIS does help the market but can lead to greater residualisation of the social housing stock.
I also note that the NHF are suggesting that section 106 may disappear from the planning system under the NPPF if that is the case then the supply of new affordable/social housing will be severely restricted. Mosy housing associations are expecting to see more homes provided through s106 than the HCA affordable rent scheme. If this route disappears then affordable housing development could dry up in some areas.
the bottom line is that the libdems are helping the tories let council housing wither on the3 vine. Paul Smith is quite right – the provision of affordable housing could well dry up completely from it’s already parched status in the coming years. Who will tell Andrew Stunnell that he is simply re-arranging deckchairs on the Titanic in supporting another round of right to buy?
Taxing land values would boost housing supply AND raise revenue.
Government grants for first time buyers – as well as landlords etc – have precisely the opposite effect; ensuring house prices remain high, transferring wealth to non-productive rent-seekers and emptying the public purse in the process.
Thanks for the comments.
@Paul Smith – It seems to me that something like the TIS could be a better route forward.
One element of the issue that is perhaps underplayed – but I admit I haven’t thought through as well as I would like – relates to quality. Even if the new RTB does deliver one-for-one replacement, with the properties be of equivalent standards? It probably depends on what sorts of properties are being sold out of the LA stock. Some of the older properties, built to Parker Morris standards etc., deliver space standards etc that could not be matched in new build and still be affordable. So that brings us back to why you have social housing in the first place. Replacing a spacious and solidly built property from the 1920 (not that there are many left following 30yrs of RTB) with a modern shoe box would seem to run against the grain of the purpose of social housing (eg. to provide families with more space than they could otherwise afford so as to allow children space for homework etc – ie. deal with some of the negative impacts we know that poor – overcrowded – housing has upon health and wellbeing). So moving the tenant, not losing the property, might be a better approach (even though, as you suggest, it could lead to further residualisation on the social sector). On the other hand, selling the property will increase neighbourhood tenure diversity (assuming that in itself is desirable). But, as I say, I’ve not thought that through as much as perhaps I need to.
There has to be real concern that the planning reforms, if they remove s106 and don’t come up with something to replace it, will lead to the collapse in new social housing provision in many parts of the country.
@Andrew Duffield – I agree that taking land values would be a better way forward.