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Mathew on Monday

Hope from The Hague: What Rob Jetten’s victory means for liberals everywhere

Today, in the Netherlands, something quietly historic has happened.

Rob Jetten, leader of Democrats 66, has become Prime Minister. The youngest ever (at 38) and the first openly gay person to hold the office.

Pause on that.

In a European political landscape where we are so often told that the future belongs to the angry, the polarising and the populist, the Dutch electorate has chosen something else. They have chosen the broad, confident Centre.

They have chosen liberalism.

For we Liberal Democrats, there is real encouraging here. Yes it’s a different country with …

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Mathew on Monday

On NATO, the extremes are a risk Britain cannot afford

For once, Keir Starmer is right.

When he says that Reform UK on the Hard Right and the Greens on the Hard Left pose risks to NATO and, by extension, Britain’s national security, he is identifying something serious.

From opposite ideological poles, both parties advance instincts that would weaken the alliance that has underpinned European security for over seventy years.

That should concern all of us.

Reform’s worldview is, from what I can tell, rooted in a kind of muscular unilateralism. Alliances are treated with suspicion. Multilateral commitments are portrayed as constraints on sovereignty. There is an underlying assumption that Britain would be stronger if it stood more alone.

History suggests otherwise.

Britain’s security has never rested on ‘splendid’ isolation. It has rested on partnership-on shared defence, intelligence cooperation and collective defence. NATO is not a bureaucratic luxury. It is the backbone of that system.

On the other side of the spectrum, elements within the Green movement have long been uncomfortable with NATO’s very premise. There remains a strain of thought that sees military alliances as inherently proactive and imagines that scaling back defence commitments would somehow make the world safer.

It would not.

In an increasingly dangerous world, with Russia waging war in Europe, authoritarian regimes flexing their muscles and global instability rising, weakening NATO would not reduce tensions. It would invite miscalculation.

Deterrence only works if it is still credible.

Now, let’s be clear. Supporting NATO does not mean pretending it is perfect. It must adapt to new threats. It must modernise. It must ensure democratic accountability and maintain public consent. Liberal internationalists should always press for reform and renewal.

But reform (small R) is not the same as retreat.

There is a profound difference between improving an alliance and hollowing it out.

The superficial attraction of the Hard Right and Hard Left to some may, arguably, be understandable. They offer clarity. They offer bold rhetoric. They promise decisive breaks with the status quo. In unsettled times, that can feel appealing.

But national security is not the place for ideological experiments.

Britain’s safety rests on stable alliances, credible commitments and steady leadership. NATO has preserved peace in Europe for decades precisely because it binds democracies together in collective defence.

Undermining that framework, whether in the name of nationalist sovereignty or moral idealism, would make us weaker, not stronger.

This is where the Liberal Democrats must be absolutely clear.

We are the party of responsible internationalism. We believe in NATO because we believe in cooperation between democracies. We believe in reform because we believe institutions must evolve. And we reject the isolationism of the Hard Right and the naïveté of the Hard Left.

The political centre is not a halfway house between extremes. It is the place where serious governing happens. In a world that is becoming more volatile, not less, Britain needs steadiness, credibility and alliances that work.

On NATO, that means strength and reform, not retreat.

We must back Vince Cable on a full and fair investigation into Andrew

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Mathew on Monday: In defence of the BBC even in its hour of turbulence

The BBC is far from perfect.

At times we in the Liberal Democrats have been among its sharpest critics, rightly pointing to its uneven decision-making, occasional failure to challenge populist narratives, and its choice to give disproportionate airtimes to parties such as Reform UK whose parliamentary representation remains limited.

Yet, as the Corporation faces one of the most serious crisis in its recent history, we should step back and recognise that, despite its flaws, it still stands as one of the last bulwarks against the malign forces corroding our politics and media ecosystem.

Yesterday the BBC’s Director General, Tim Davie, and the News Chief, Deborah Turness, tendered their resignations.

The immediate trigger was a whistleblower memo that accused the BBC of “serious and systematic” bias in its coverage of issues including Donald Trump, Gaza, and trans rights.

The specific spark was the editing of speech by the US President which, critics argue, omitted key phrases that softened his rhetoric and thus altered its meeting.

It is a messy episode, one that the BBC must address with humility and urgency.

But it is precisely because the BBC is meant to be a strong, independent, public institution that this moment matters so much.

We must defend its purpose even as we demand reform.

It is fashionable to bash the BBC.

To the populist Right, it is a bastion of “metropolitan liberalism”-to sections of the Left, it is a tool of the establishment.

Neither caricature holds up.

What the BBC truly represents is an institution trying-often imperfectly-to balance truth, fairness, and impartiality in an age when those qualities are very much under siege.

The rise of hyper-partisan online media, the decay of local journalism, and the growing influence of billionaire-backed broadcasters have created a toxic environment for democracy.

In that context, a publicly-funded broadcaster with a clear duty to inform, educate, and entertain remains essential.

The BBC is not only a trusted source of news at home, it is one of Britain’s most effective instruments of soft power abroad.

From the World Service to natural history documentaries it projects values of curiosity, decency and global awareness that are infinitely more powerful than any ministerial press release.

Defending the BBC, then, is not about pretending it gets everything right.

Clearly it doesn’t.

The resignations of its most senior, and until now apparently secure leaders are testimony to how seriously a failure of trust can hit a public institution.

The corporation has at times been timid when courage was required; it has been slow to adapt in a more plural media age; it must do better in reflecting the full diversity of the United Kingdom.

But these reforms must aim to strengthen, not hollow out, its independence.

We Liberal Democrats understand that pluralism and free expression require institutions capable of standing firm in the face of pressure.

We cannot rely solely on algorithms, clickbait, and billionaire-owned platforms to sustain a healthy public sphere.

The market, left to itself, rewards outrage and division; public broadcasting, at its best, rewards accuracy and perspective.

That is why successive generations of Liberals have supported the BBC’s public service mission.

The debate about the BBC’s future funding will intensify in the months ahead.

Some will argue for scrapping the licence fee entirely, replacing it with subscription models or purely commercial funding.

But that path risks eroding the very principles that make the BBC so valuable.

Once editorial decisions start depending on advertising revenue or subscriber metrics, the incentive shifts away from difficult, public-interest journalism towards chasing clicks and commercial returns.

At the same time, the resignations at the top send a signal-not of collapse, but of accountability.

It is an invitation for the BBC to renew itself, to rebuild trust, and to reaffirm its foundational mission.

In this deeply volatile political moment, where democracies are vulnerable to disinformation, foreign influence, and inner-division, we must not let the BBC be consumed by culture-war turf fights that seek to either destroy or capture it.

The BBC’s critics often claim to speak for “ordinary people.”

Yet polling consistently shows that the public, while yes frustrated with some of its decisions, still values and trusts the BBC more than almost any other media outlet.

In an era of deep cynicism about politics and institutions, that trust is a national asset we would be very foolish to squander.

Defending the BBC, therefore, is a liberal cause.

It is about standing up for a space in which facts can be checked, arguments heard and culture shared across divides.

It is about ensuring that news is not the plaything of power.

It is about recognising that democracy depends not only on votes at the ballot box but also on the quality of information citizens receive before casting them.

The BBC must (small r) reform.

And yes, it must face up to its errors, including the very real crisis of confidence that produced the resignations of Davie and Turness.

But it must also survive.

For all of its frustrations, its bureaucratic oddities and its failings, it remains one of the few places where the nation still talks to itself rather than at itself.

In the noisy, polarised, post-truth world that we inhabit, that is worth defending with passion and pride.

Not because it’s perfect, but because without it things could be much worse.

In praise of…David Bill

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Mathew on Monday: Human rights protect us all and we must defend them

There are moments in politics when you can feel not just the temperature of the debate shift, but the very foundations of our democracy tremble.

Last week, in the House of Commons, Ed Davey delivered one of those rare speeches that cut through the noise.

Calm, principled, and grounded in the best traditions of British Liberalism, Ed reminded Parliament and the country why the European convention on Human Rights – which Britain helped create, championed by none other than Winston Churchill – remains essential to who we are as a nation.

It shouldn’t need saying, but in 2025 it still tragically does: human rights are not a luxury, nor an inconvenience to be discarded when considered by some to be out of fashion.

They are the bedrock of our freedom, dignity and fairness.

They protect each and every one of us, not just in moments of high politics, but in the quiet moments when we suddenly find ourselves reliant on the protections we too often take for granted.

You don’t always know when you’ll need rights like the right to a fair trial, to family life, or freedom from discrimination.

But when you do need them, you really need them.

And yet the drumbeat against these fundamental protections grows ever louder.

Nigel Farage’s Reform UK – a party that proudly positions itself as anti-rights and, it would seem, anti the rule of law – now threatens to drag our country down a dangerous path.

They talk breezily about leaving the ECHR as if it were a minor administrative tweak, not the ripping up of a promise we made to the world and to our own citizens after the horrors of war – a promise that every human being, whatever their background, status, or present circumstances, deserves dignity, equality, and justice.

For all of the bluster, this isn’t about sovereignty or “taking back control.”

It’s about weakening protections for ordinary people while handing more power to the already powerful.

This isn’t patriotism.

It’s authoritarianism dressed up as populism.

Liberal Democrats know better, and we must say so proudly.

We stand in the great British tradition of liberty under the rule of law, of fairness for all, and of defending the vulnerable – not scapegoating them for political gain.
The ECHR isn’t some foreign imposition.

It’s a British achievement.

A legacy of Churchill.

A beacon of hope to countries emerging from tyranny across Europe.

Leaving it would not make us stronger – it would leave us smaller.

Human rights protect us all.

They are not for one group or another – they are for every citizen, every family, every person who may one day find themselves needing justice, protection, or support.

Those rights were hard-won.

They must be fearlessly defended.

As Liberals we have always believed that the measure of a society is how it treats its people – all of its people, and especially its most persecuted and vulnerable.

Now, more than ever, we must say loud and clear: Britain must remain in the European Convention on Human Rights.

Our freedoms depend on it.

In praise of David Edwards

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Mathew on Monday – nasty party, progressive alliances and a new book

Labour…the real nasty party!

Famously, at the 2002 Conservative Party Conference, the then Tory Chairman and future Prime Minister Theresa May called her own party ‘the nasty party.’

Or, to be fair, it’s what she said many people called the Tories.

And she was right, we did and we do.

I should point out, this isn’t about individual Conservatives a number of whom I count as friends (indeed, I co-host a podcast with one) but rather about their policies-in government and opposition-over many decades.

Kicking the poor whilst they’re down, being less than friendly (to say the least) in regards to LGBT+ communities, leaving whole …

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