Many Israelis think they face ‘annihilation’ by Iran and their proxies, and that this means their wars in Gaza and Lebanon fall outside the boundaries set by the international rules of war.  The fear of annihilation didn’t come out of nowhere, but although there has been some fiery rhetoric about Israel’s right to exist over the years, Iran doesn’t seriously believe it could destroy Israel, especially given that it’s backed by the US.  The ‘existential’ distress Israelis feel is more likely an expression of the deep insecurity affecting many Jews around the world, and it originates not from their treatment by Arabs or Iranians, but from centuries of racial abuse and persecution in Europe.  Understanding and accepting this as the underlying cause of the unrestrained assaults on Gaza and Lebanon ought to be fundamental to the peace process.

As things stand, Israel’s Prime Minister won’t listen to calls for restraint, even from the UN or international courts, not because he is mad, or is fighting to stave off corruption charges, or is bent on destroying hopes for a two-state solution, but because he knows that many Israelis think they are in fight for their survival, which on their view means all the normal rules go out of the window.

The fear of annihilation touches a deep place in the human psyche.  When psychoanalysts discuss the war in Gaza they speak of paranoia brought on by Israelis never being allowed to forget the Holocaust, and how that can make them seek refuge in feelings of omnipotence.  The feeling of omnipotence is a delusional state of mind, but it must have been a very seductive delusion to fall back on after the  horrific Hamas attack on October 7 last year.

Most outside observers judge the Israeli response to the threat from Hamas as having been wildly disproportionate, and think it has strayed far beyond its initial purpose – retaliation (or perhaps revenge) for the killing of so many Israeli civilians.  To most of us it’s clear that Netanyahu could end the war in Gaza and Lebanon and get the remaining hostages back simply by giving up on the idea of an enlarged ‘Greater Israel’ and conceding that the Palestinians have a right to their homeland in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza.  Hamas, the Houthis, and Hezbollah have all said as much – that they would stop attacking Israel if it agreed to end the Occupation.  Jordan’s envoy to the UN has gone further and said the Arab states of the Middle East would guarantee Israel’s security if it ended the bombardment of Gaza and backed the two-state solution.

Western politicians can’t negotiate with Netanyahu while he refuses to listen, so they need to completely change tack and address the real problem, which is the fear gripping Israel after the traumatic events of October last year.  Accusing Israel of war crimes doesn’t work, because Netanyahu tells his home audience that that’s proof of worldwide antisemitism, which only worsens the very fears which are propelling the Israeli population’s willingness to stay on the attack.

Instead, world leaders first need to openly reject the idea that Israel is the victim and Iran is ultimately responsible for the deaths in Gaza and Lebanon (as IDF spokesmen have often claimed), and tell Netanyahu we know the Gaza war started as an act of revenge at best, that it has become part of his strategy to prevent the two-state solution from happening, and that the almost unbounded aggression Israel is showing in Gaza and Lebanon is plainly not a defensive war against Iran.

Second, we need to immediately end all arms shipments to Israel, in order to take the decision about continuing the war out of Netanyahu’s hands.  When we do that, Israelis will need to be reassured that it is not intended to make Israel less able to defend itself (from Iran), because when Israel is no longer using American bombs on Gaza and Lebanon the need to defend itself from attack will be gone.  At the same time the US would have to guarantee to defend Israel in the (extremely unlikely) event that Iran or any other country might seize the opportunity to attack Israel.

Third, the lasting peace and security Israelis crave will only come when the illegal Occupation has ended, the Palestinians have their own state, and the Israeli military oppression of Palestinians has ended, so Israel will need to sign up to meaningful talks about the full recognition of Palestine.  Netanyahu is not universally loved in Israel, but he is (perhaps understandably) admired for the way he struts the world stage, dominating world leaders, and treating the UN and international law with contempt, but the Israeli people need to be encouraged to look more rationally at his plan to impose Israel’s will on its neighbours by force: that plan can only satisfy a wounded and fearful Israel for a while, and in the longer term it will breed hatred and resentment.

* Andy Daer is a member of the Liberal Democrats in South Gloucestershire, and Vice Chair of the Liberal Democrat Friends of Palestine.