Category Archives: Op-eds

Opinion on Nick Clegg’s first anniversary: Martin Land – Has it really been one year?

Clegg’s first year: Clegg on Clegg | Tall on Clegg

Well, it has been a year. I’m sure its felt even longer to you Nick. Take some time over the holidays and quietly reflect. I know you’re busy, so let me help you:

The good bits

1. You have had a good year. Sure the odd slip-up, but no leader is ever surefooted straightaway. You’ve had the odd ‘baseball cap’ moment, but public recognition is increasing and I think they like what they see. Try to get angry more often though. After all, you are only human. Let people see it.

2. You have a new Party President, Baroness Ros Scott. I didn’t vote for her, but it’s an opportunity to reach out to alienated and ignored parts of the party that you simply don’t have the time to reach. I think she’s someone you can work closely with.

3. 19% in the latest ICM poll. That’s about as good as it gets between elections.

4. Whatever you may (or may not) think, you have a good team. Cameron would kill for your frontbench team. So, I suspect, would Gordon. If only parties had transfer fees like footballers. Think what we could get for Vince!

5. You perform well in the media. You are relaxed and in control, where Cameron just looks manic.

The bad bits

1. All political parties are having a rough time, but you need to take charge of ours. The strategy we have pursued over the past 15 years looks more and more like a scorched earth policy for local parties. Membership cannot be allowed to decline any further and we must stop bleeding local parties to death for the sake of strange ‘targeting’ strategies, which owe more to egos than demographic or psephological analysis.

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Opinion on Nick Clegg’s first anniversary: Stephen Tall – a work in progress

Clegg’s first year: Clegg on Clegg | Tall on Clegg | Land on Clegg | Littlewood on Clegg | Clegg on YouTube

It’s a cliché that the leader of Her Majesty’s official opposition has the most difficult job in British politics; unusually the cliché is wrong. For sure, David Cameron’s in an unenviable position (and not just because he’s a Tory); utterly powerless, the only weapons he has in his artillery are words. But at least those words are listened to; debated and disagreed with; quoted and used against him. They are not ignored.

Nick Clegg, the leader of the third largest party in the UK, the Liberal Democrats, does not (yet) enjoy the frustration of being the Leader of the Opposition. Inbetween elections when newspapers and broadcasters conspire to pretend that Britain has only two political parties, Lib Dem leaders must battle for every mili-second of publicity. They can look forward to endless dissection of their most minor gaffes; and learn to realise that their serious speeches are judged too dull by meedja execs in thrall to the myth that citizens just can’t be arsed to pay attention to anything that smacks of serious.

So exactly how do we judge the success (or otherwise) of Nick Clegg, who today begins his second year as our leader?

To be honest, I think it’s pretty easy. Nick Clegg as leader is exactly what the vast majority of us – discounting those few who thought he was the Lib Dem Messiah, and those few for whom Nick can do no right – thought he would be: he’s a work in progress.

Nick has immense intellectual strength and curiosity. He’s actually a policy wonk, which many might regard as a handicap for a political leader, who is often expected to remain at arms-length from the detail (a la Blair). I find Nick’s hunger for new ideas one of his most endearing qualities. If either Gordon Brown or David Cameron had even half Nick’s questing drive, political debate in this country would be so much more mature than it is.

But, as so often, there is a flip-side to Nick’s boyish questioning: his habit of ‘thinking out loud’ sometimes results in fuzzy communication, most notably when he appeared to suggest that the “vast bulk” of the party’s £20 billion public spending savings would be ear-marked for tax cuts. Nick’s chief of staff Danny Alexander was hastily despatched to these very pages to try and ventriloquise the party out of Nick’s mis-speaking; but the damage was done, and the confusion has been hard to un-do.

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Nick Clegg writes… my first year as Liberal Democrat leader

Clegg’s first year: Clegg on Clegg | Tall on Clegg | Land on Clegg | Littlewood on Clegg | Clegg on YouTube

A year ago today I was elected as leader of our great party. It has been a challenging and exciting year. I am very proud that in that time we have made all the running on so many of the important issues facing us.

Across the country in my Town Hall meetings, of which I’ve now held more than 30, people regularly raise with me their concerns about housing repossessions, fuel …

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Opinion: With every week that passes, Brown’s regime becomes more and more Nixonian

As the Green-gate affair rumbles along in the background, it is hard for those of us who remember early 1970s America to ignore the parallel: an increasingly controlling Executive, fears for personal liberty – and a man at the top with serious personality dysfunction.

Richard Nixon and Gordon Brown do share striking similarities of circumstance and character.

They had puritanical backgrounds with domineering fathers, were intellectual prodigies, intensely private – and awkward in company and public. Both gave the impression of being somehow ‘not quite right’. The 1960 anti-Nixon slogan ‘Would you buy a used car from this Man?’ seemed to fit immediately; and I’ve also now lost count of the number of women who find Brown ‘odd’.

Both were manipulative in their cultivation of ‘poor me’: Nixon the small-town farmboy who ‘never had it easy like the Kennedys’, and Brown the young man agonising about potentially lost sight (a fact the politician kept to himself until he needed a sympathetic leadership image). Dicky wrote about ‘Five Crises’, and Gordon continues to insist he is the best man in crises. Nixon had his Kennedy to envy, and Brown has his Blair to hate: ‘it came naturally to them, but I’ve had to work at it’ is also a shared view – displaying an obvious desire to be seen as noble and heroic.

Fellow sufferers from indecisive depression, they instinctively disappeared from the stage when blame was being assigned. They expected people to accept ridiculous explanations of dubious behaviour, and had associates who insisted they were very nice really – but swore obscenely at aides (or screamed at secretaries) in private.

The observations may perhaps be harsh, but there is something abnormally untrustworthy in the dissembling, shifty nature of these men – an ethical doubt borne out in both cases by shadows and clouds after every episode – and strangely locked cupboards where nobody may go.

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Opinion: How has the last year gone?

If a week is a long time in politics, the first year of Nick Clegg’s leadership has the feel of several lifetimes. Even without yet another change in the captaincy of the ship, there would have been a number challenges facing the Liberal Democrats.

The main internal challenge was perhaps the process of taking command of the ship itself. Mutinies notwithstanding, taking over any vessel is complex. There are the strengths and foibles of the crew to get to grips with – and while perhaps these are best not discussed in public, it would be foolish of any leader not to understand them so as to play his team to best advantage. There are also the idiosyncrasies and quirks of the ship as the captain learns the difference between dangerous clanks and the normal creaks of political life. Unfortunately for Clegg, and the Party, the last two transitions of power have not been seamless. The wheel was allowed to spin – at points nearly out of control – requiring extensive time and strength to steady it, let alone get it back on course. That is effort a third Party can ill afford. Such internal machinations damage the morale of Party activists and members certainly, but more dangerous is the affect it can have on the credibility of the Party with the electorate. Happily we can all now have confidence that this Leader will get on with building a strong Leadership Team well into the future.

Yet, however important the internal jockeying for position may seem to those involved – it pales into insignificance in the face of increasingly ominous external challenges: continuing conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan, nuclear noise in Iran and South Korea, Russian troops on the move, ever more brazen acts of piracy, urban terrorism, religious riots, and disasters both natural and man-made.

These are tumultuous waters but surveying the scene from the United States, there are two specific events that could create either fair or foul weather for Liberal Democrats. These are: 1) Barack Obama’s Presidency and; 2) the ‘domino-effect’ of crises across national economies rooted in unprecedented global slide. The question is: how has our relatively new captain has been navigating the shoals and reefs and what he should be looking for in the months ahead – particularly in transatlantic waters?

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Opinion: Dare to be fair

I first decided I was a Liberal at the age of eleven in 1959, when I saw Jo Grimond explaining why worker-shareholders in British business would get us out of the Union strike turmoil. He seemed to be the only bloke in Parliament suggesting this excellent idea, and although the Liberals had just eight seats at the time, my instincts were drawn to the obvious sense of it.

The main thing it did, of course, was to continue the tradition set by Grimond of creative policy in the face of a changing society. In 2008, Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats face exactly the same challenge. But there is a mainstream way to rise above ‘meltdown noise’ that is Liberal in both its common sense and moral tradition.

25 Comments

David Howarth MP writes… How to reform party political funding

This country faces a crisis of confidence in democracy just as profound as the crisis of confidence in the financial markets. Both are ultimately about trust – trust in the quality of what is being sold in the one case, trust in what political leaders say, and what their motives are, in the other.

The series of scandals about party funding – from cash for honours to the Ashcroft affair – damage democracy deeply by sending the constant message that politics is not about values and ideas, but about buying power and access, and if you are not a rich donor …

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Opinion: Secularise education

At our Spring conference we are going to be debating two highly contentious issues around education policy: tuition fees and how we should approach the question of faith schools.

With the latter in mind it is interesting to look at the recent report published by The Runnymede Trust. Entitled ‘Right to Divide?’. It is a comprehensive report which consulted parents, teachers,education experts, religious leaders, local authority officials and pupils. So, it cannot be easily dismissed as reflecting the experiences or biases of one particular grouping.

Rather than try and cover all 76 pages of the report in this piece I intend to focus on the 6 key recommendations. Let’s start at the top with the headline grabber:

(1) End selection based on faith.

The report rightly justifies this thus:

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Opinion: Who would hurt all mankind, just to save face?

Back in September, Geoffrey Payne asked here on LDV what green activists who berate the Lib Dems expect us to do. Well, we could start by ditching our indefensible commitment to biofuel targets.

Later this month, the Council of Europe and MEPs are due to approve the EU climate package, including a commitment to 10% ‘renewable’ fuelling of vehicles by 2020, most of which is expected to come from biofuels; 6% can be met by those from foodstuffs.

Lib Dem MEPs have worked for some improvements in the package, but (along with the other largest political groupings) still …

22 Comments

Why British universities need student fees

Following the debate for and against university fees, LSE lecturer Tim Leunig gives his take on that contest.

What are the benefits of going to university?

Going to university is profitable for individuals, on average, and for any given A-level grades. Although a handful of degrees (e.g. medicine) are particularly profitable, once you take into account A-level grades, most subjects are equally valuable (classicists earn more than media studs grads because classicists generally have better A-level grades).

Second, the “profitability” of going to university remains even as graduate numbers have increased. This tells us that demand for graduates is elastic: if …

Also posted in Party policy and internal matters | 47 Comments

Can you sum up the purpose of the Lib Dems in a sentence? (Or ‘The Quest for the Lib Dem Holy Grail’).

Today’s Guardian carries an interview with comedian/actor Eddie Izzard: interesting for those of us who are fans (especially of his classic mid-90s’ shows), but also interesting for the problem it poses for those of us who are Lib Dems.

Asked about his politics, and his long-standing support for Labour (‘he describes himself as more Blair-ite than Brown-ite’), Eddie sweepingly sums up Labour and the Tories thus:

I just believe in the goodwill of people, the power of people to do something positive. And that’s why I’m in the Labour party. The Labour party believes in fairness, and the Conservative party

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Why the Liberal Democrats SHOULD NOT adopt a free market approach to education by accepting tuition fees

Earlier today, Julian Astle laid out Centre Forum’s new policy paper about student finance. We asked Paul Holmes MP to respond.

On behalf of Centre Forum Julian Astle makes a very superficial and flimsy case for joining the New Labour/Conservative club and welcoming the free market into Higher Education.

First Julian sets up a straw man by making the claim that “Liberal Democrats hope that making tuition ‘free’ will draw more students from low income families into higher education.” Really? I don’t actually remember that as being central to any of the Parliamentary or Conference debates that I have ever …

Also posted in Party policy and internal matters | 21 Comments

The Independent View: Why the Lib Dems should end their opposition to tuition fees

The Liberal Democrats stand alone among the three main political parties in promising to abolish university tuition fees. They do so in the hope that making tuition ‘free’ will draw more students from low income families into the higher education (HE) system.

This superficially attractive proposition ignores two important facts, however.

First, there is no such thing as free tuition – someone, somewhere has to pay, and under the Liberal Democrat plan that ‘someone’ is the taxpayer. And since most taxpayers are non-graduates with relatively low lifetime earnings, the policy involves a significant redistribution of resources from poor to rich.

Second, the abolition of fees will do almost nothing to get more poor students into university as the Liberal Democrats claim. Why? Because the gap between the HE participation rates of rich and poor students was not created by the introduction of tuition fees. Indeed research suggests that the gap actually narrowed slightly in the years after fees were introduced in 1998.

Also posted in Party policy and internal matters and The Independent View | 84 Comments

A look back at the polls: November

We tend not to be too poll-obsessed here at LDV – of course we look at them, as do all other politico-geeks, but viewed in isolation no one poll will tell you very much beyond what you want to read into it. Looked at over a reasonable time-span and, if there are enough polls, you can see some trends.

Here, in chronological order, are the results of the nine polls published in November:

Tories 43%, Labour 30%, Lib Dems 18% – ICM/Sunday Telegraph (9 Nov)
Tories 41%, Labour 35%, Lib Dems 16% – Populus/Times (10 Nov)
Tories 40%, Labour 37%, Lib Dems 12% –

Also posted in Polls | 20 Comments

Yes, we have no (straight) bananas!

Has the European Commission being telling porkies about Euro-myths? The small percentage of LibDem Voice readers who avidly devour the Daily Mail and saw the recent piece by Edward Heathcoat-Amory dramatically headlined ‘Here’s proof Brussels has been sprouting lies about wonky vegetables for years!’ are not the only people who may think so. And truth to tell, what should have been a good news story from the EU has turned into something of a public relations disaster.

First the facts. Earlier this month, the EU relaxed its regulations governing 26 types of fruit and veg, lifting a ban on the …

Also posted in Europe / International | 3 Comments

The best start for children, the best deal for families

When I took on the job of Families spokesperson in Nick Clegg’s Shadow Cabinet, I was very clear about the approach I would take. In Britain today, there is no identikit family that represents the best way to live – there are many types of families – but the key thing that often links these families are children.

Parents want to give their children the very best of start in life. But balancing the demands of a job with caring for young children is a real struggle. Getting time off work is difficult and finding quality, affordable childcare can be impossible.

Labour’s …

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Lib Dem Riso Monkey’s Guide to Launching your e-Campaign

Another email drops into the inbox of The Voice from A Liberal Democrat Organiser Who Wishes To Remain Anonymous: “Another submission for you good chaps. I thought I’d actually try to be vaguely useful this time.” You can read the first post by Lib Dem Riso Monkey’s diary here; and the second post here.

“We need to think about implementing our e-campaign,” said one of our leading activists rather breathlessly. “It’s very important to capture the youth vote with a comprehensive online presence.”

It’s another Campaign Committee, and we’ve got to the stage where people are repeating phrases they’ve …

Also posted in Online politics | Tagged | 1 Comment

Finance and economics: what we have learned, and what still needs to be done – part 6

This week Liberal Democrat Voice is running a series of articles from Tim Leunig about the economy – how we got here and what we should do next. So far the series has covered bank bailouts, bank lending, fiscal policy, interest rates and tax policy. Today’s final part looks to the long term future.

Getting the long term picture right

In its panic and determination to “do something now” government must not forget its role in securing the long-term underpinnings of the economy. There are three areas in which Britain has serious problems.

Our education system fails …

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Finance and economics: what we have learned, and what still needs to be done – part 5

This week Liberal Democrat Voice is running a series of articles from Tim Leunig about the economy – how we got here and what we should do next. So far the series has covered bank bailouts, bank lending, fiscal policy and interest rates.

Tax policy

The rapid deterioration in the fiscal position should worry us all. The British tax system is much more pro-cyclical than people previously thought, so that tax revenues fall dramatically even when the downturn is relatively small. (Remember, the economy has only just started to decline, so the fall in tax revenue so far …

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Finance and economics: what we have learned, and what still needs to be done – part 4

This week Liberal Democrat Voice is running a series of articles from Tim Leunig about the economy – how we got here and what we should do next. So far the series has covered bank bailouts, bank lending and fiscal policy.

Interest rates and the Bank of England

The Bank of England’s monetary policy committee has done well. They did not rush to cut interest rates when inflation still looked to be a real threat (don’t forget that this summer saw the highest level of inflation for a decade). But as soon as there was a serious prospect of …

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Jenny Randerson AM: why I want to lead the Welsh Liberal Democrats

Once upon a time, Wales was full of hope for the future. The narrowly won referendum on the creation of Assembly had ushered in a new period for Wales. The idea that ‘never again’ could an “English” Government wreak devastation across the country as they had in the eighties, provided the prospect of a bright future for Wales.

Nearly ten years have now passed and Labour is approaching the half way point of its third term in office. The promised transformation of Welsh services and society has not yet come to pass. Wales is still the poorest nation of the UK; …

Also posted in Leadership Election and Wales | 2 Comments

Finance and economics: what we have learned, and what still needs to be done – part 3

This week Liberal Democrat Voice is running a series of articles from Tim Leunig about the economy – how we got here and what we should do next. So far the series has covered bank bailouts and bank lending.

Fiscal policy

Much has been written about the need for a fiscal boost. The debate has been poor, with politicians and the media muddling up underfunded tax cuts, tax cuts funded by spending cuts, and tax cuts funded by rises in other taxes. The last two have no impact in this context, and will not be considered.

Underfunded tax cuts, or unfunded …

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Finance and economics: what we have learned, and what still needs to be done – part 2

This week Liberal Democrat Voice is running a series of articles from Tim Leunig about the economy – how we got here and what we should do next. Yesterday was bank bailouts, and today…

Bank lending

It is important not to resume borrowing levels of two years ago. Indeed, we can calculate the optimal level of mortgage lending. Net lending should equal the value of new houses built, minus deposits on those houses, plus the same for houses bought by newly-formed households, and those moving to larger houses, minus regular capital repayments on the existing mortgage stock. Housebuilding rates are low …

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Finance and economics: what we have learned, and what still needs to be done – part 1

This week Liberal Democrat Voice is running a series of articles from Tim Leunig about the economy – how we got here and what we should do next.

Bank bailouts

The economic downturn was precipitated by financial problems. This is a sign of a successful financial sector: they are there to bear risks other people do not want to bear, and are correspondingly prone to crises from time to time. Since the underlying rationale of a bank is to borrow short and lend long, the threat of bank runs will always be with us.

Banks in Britain needed government assistance to distinctive reasons. …

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Opinion: The BNP membership list and the lessons for Lib Dems

A few days ago, a dissident member of the British National Party posted his party’s membership list on the internet. The publication of this data provides us with some interesting information about the demographics of BNP membership.

The Guardian (20 November) published an interactive map showing the concentration of BNP membership by parliamentary constituency.

On BBC2’s Newsnight (19 November), its political editor Michael Crick drilled down further. Newsnight commissioned polling company Ipsos-MORI to analyse the BNP membership list. The top five places where BNP members live are Halifax, Blackburn, Blackpool, Leicester and Romford. There are hardly any members in Scotland and few in the rest of London outside Romford. The membership is 80% male.

The places where BNP members live was also analysed according to the ‘mosaic’ system used by marketing companies to break down the country into different social categories. The highest concentration of BNP members is in the ‘Ties of Community’ category, defined as “close-knit communities, small industrial towns, terraced housing, strong Labour voting”.

The second concentration is in the ‘Blue Collar Enterprise’ category, defined as “council estates, not well-educated, self reliant (often bought their council house), ‘Sun’ readers”. The category where BNP membership is weakest is ‘Urban Intelligence’, defined as “young single, well-educated, Liberal views, prosperous”. The biggest concentration of BNP membership in terms of social class is C2 (skilled working class), more concentrated there than among the lower D/E classes of unskilled working class and unemployed.

The demographics of BNP membership come as no surprise – older, uneducated, white males form the bedrock of support for far-right parties throughout Europe. But what this profile also illustrates is that, in demographic as well as ideological terms, BNP membership is the polar opposite of Liberal Democrat support.

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Opinion: Because BNP members have rights too

So the latest data leak has nothing to do with the Government’s lamentably lax data management polices. It has however generated some responses which should, but worryingly don’t always appear to, concern liberals.

It’s now relatively easy for anyone to find out if their neighbour is a BNP member. It took me about 10 minutes to find a credible link to the list last night and if it has made its way onto the peer-to-peer networks then the cat cannot now be put back into the bag.

The leaked list seems reasonably accurate. The most the BNP are …

Also posted in News | Tagged | 43 Comments

Opinion: Welcome to Nursery Britain

Are you sitting comfortably? Then we’ll begin.

In 1945, perhaps in a desire to continue the communal spirit of the war, Britain elected its only Socialist government. Swathes of privately-owned businesses were nationalised, capitalism was abandoned in favour of state ownership, and Liberalism, which had taken Great Britain from a dreary archipelago at the corner of Europe to a global powerhouse of industry and enterprise, was abandoned. And while the Attlee government did some great good in the creation of the NHS, after six years the British electorate had come to hate the drab, rationed austerity of the 1940s. Perhaps in a desire to resurrect some vestige of imperial prestige, they re-elected a decrepit Churchill – like Britain, a tragicomic echo of his old self.

But once in power, the Tories did nothing to reverse the Attlee revolution. Instead, they effected the mixed economy, a dismal synthesis of state socialism and capitalism that proved to be sclerotic for free trade and launched the nation into a thirty-year spiralling descent that was only arrested with the wholesale dissolution of British industry and the sale of the City of London to overseas investors.

Since the brief experiment of Socialist government between 1945 and 1951, Britain has been faced with a choice between two essentially social democratic parties, both believing that the state can – and should – intervene in every aspect of public and private life in order to impose their vision of what society should be. And even the lady who believed that there was no such thing as society couldn’t control her instincts as a curtain-twitching busybody, prying into the most personal corners of our lives, enacting unfair taxation and betraying the promise of a Liberal revolution in favour of the continuation of the social democratic consensus.

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What should Gordon do – go now, or hold on?

Imagine you’re the Prime Minister. In your first three months you were hailed as a Colossus. Then you flunked your first really big decision: whether to call a general election. Since when your poll ratings dropped so low your government was in open revolt. But then the world economy imploded, and you grabbed, belatedly, your final opportunity to make good. Since when your poll ratings have recovered, a little.

So now what do you do if you are Gordon Brown? Prepare to call a general election in early 2009?

Easy enough to imagine the statement: “These are difficult times for …

Also posted in News | Tagged | 12 Comments

Opinion: The Economy Game

Running the national economy is like driving in a motor race. Except that you are four inches tall. You don’t know where you are and you don’t have a map. There are lots of pedals, but you don’t know what they are supposed to do. When you press them, they sometimes make the car lurch around unpredictably, sometimes just blow out air or wipe the windows. The other drivers don’t agree on the rules. Some of them seem to be playing Grand Theft Auto.

Oh, and by the way, a couple of other guys are fighting you for a share of the controls. And just one more thing – You are on the stage, with an audience of sixty million! Fortunately, perhaps, most of them can’t be bothered to watch.

So what sort of game is this? Can we look at it objectively, as a game theorist would do, and work out how best to play it?

Well, first of all, playing it straight is obviously a mug’s game. The chances of genuinely sorting out the economy by making the right move, at the right time, for the right reasons, look pretty slim. How often has anyone really done that, and made it up onto the victor’s podium? Not since Roosevelt…

Playing to the gallery looks a much smarter idea. There are loads of simple crowd-pleasing manoeuvres you can try. Like revving wildly and making a big noise; or deflating your opponent’s tyres; or, purloining the winning post and erecting it alongside your car….!

Now kiddies, let’s watch as today’s racing politicos put these clever ideas into practice. When Brown says “I am applying Keynesian economics to create a fiscal stimulus”, he knows it sounds more prime-ministerial than “Gosh, we’re skint, can anyone lend me a quid?” When Brown calls for “globally coordinated economic policies”, it sounds better than saying “I am standing in deep doo-doo. Please join me so that I won’t look so conspicuous!”

While Brown struggles to scrub himself clean, Osborne dishes more dirt. “I fear a run on the pound” can be translated as “I hope Gordon’s going to trip up, especially when I stick my foot out.” Whereas “We cannot promise tax cuts in the current economic climate” means “We’re going to sit on the fence, and blame Gordon for putting us there!”

To be serious though, Labour do have a viable strategy to garner good publicity out of economic mayhem. Equally, the Tories realise that it is crucial for them to scupper it. The Achilles heel, for both of these strategies, is that they are so strongly partisan. So, our opportunity is to be the people who tell it like it is, who say things which the independent commentators won’t rubbish, and who gain public trust and respect. That is what Vince does so well.

Crucially, Labour and the Tories also understand the vital need to look deeply serious, to pretend to a depth of expertise they do not have, and to seem to empathise with a worried public. How do we rate?

Well, our tax cuts for the less well off are certainly popular. So is getting tough with rich bankers. But we fall short, I suggest, on three counts.

17 Comments

Reasons to be optimistic about turnout

Cross-posted from The Wardman Wire:

Whilst claims of huge increases in US electoral turnout this year have turned out to be myths, with turnout only rising by around 1% on 2004, the continued gradual improvement in turnout in British elections is going largely unremarked.

The improvement is not yet sufficient to cause rejoicing, but there are solid grounds for being cautiously optimistic, particularly as the next general election is likely to be the first since 1992 in which the outcome is in real doubt before the votes are counted, which should give a further boost to turnout levels.

The evidence for …

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