Category Archives: Op-eds

Strength in solidarity: masculinity and the fight for trans rights

My journey in powerlifting spans over a decade, a journey that has not only shaped my physical strength but also my outlook on masculinity.

For those unfamiliar, powerlifting is a strength sport that consists of three movements: the squat, the bench press, and the deadlift. Each competition allows competitors to attempt each lift three times, with the heaviest successful attempt from each forming a competitor’s overall total.

Powerlifting, for me, has transcended the mere act of lifting. It has sparked profound introspection about the essence of strength. The finest lifters are not defined by their volume or aggression; they are the ones who maintain composure in adversity, bolster others in their pursuit of goals, and persist even when the going gets tough. They don’t wield their strength as a tool to undermine others; they employ it to elevate everyone around them.

In a world where figures like Donald Trump, Nigel Farage, Andrew Tate, and Joe Rogan dismiss the concept of being ‘woke’, my fellow male powerlifters and I have consciously chosen to reject this toxic masculinity. We value decency and community over the hollow, performative notion of being an ‘alpha male’.

Our approach can be best described as ‘positive masculinity,’ a form of strength deeply rooted in respect, empathy, and equality.

Positive masculinity, at its core, is about recognising that strength should never come at someone else’s expense. In a society where so many communities still face hostility, cis men have a duty to use their strength, physical, emotional, and moral, to stand beside them. Liberalism is rooted in empathy and fairness; positive masculinity is simply those principles lived out in everyday behaviour.

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Some thoughts on the current trans quota chaos

A recently published analysis on “lawfare”, where changes in organizational policy are attempted through legal action, has looked at cases related to the Equality Act since 2018. The key finding is that there has been a concerted attempt to sue trans-inclusive organisations into a position where they become trans exclusive – a pattern not seen in any other equalities strand, and one which indicates a substantially well-funded and organized campaign.

So organisations like the Girl Guides, the Quakers and, yes, the Liberal Democrats are threatened with court action or, in some cases, taken to court to be walloped over the head with “the Supreme Court ruling”. The expectation is clearly that a lot of organisations will fold before any court hearing because of the costs involved.

The lesson clearly being taught within the Liberal Democrats is that, if you want to change policy, don’t bother with the democratic processes and conference. Just engage a lawyer.

Having sat through a couple of planning inquiries and seen other legal advice, there are three things I’d like to point out. Firstly lawyers are like politicians – they are paid to present their case as compellingly as they can. Secondly the key word in “legal advice” is not “legal” but “advice”. Other opinions are often available, which is why disputes end up in court. Finally, any legal advice is highly dependent on the question that is asked. If the question is “how can we be trans inclusive” you are likely to get different answers to “how can we exclude trans people”.

The result this time is the chaos that our internal elections have been thrown into. The justification is keeping within the law. To which I would respond with another scenario.

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A short-sighted attack on pension saving — and why Young Liberals should care

In the flurry of briefings ahead of the Chancellor’s autumn Budget, one rumoured measure risks doing more long-term damage than most people realise: a cap or cut to the salary-sacrifice pension scheme.

For those not steeped in the jargon, this is the mechanism that allows workers and employers to make pension contributions free of National Insurance. It’s one of the few genuinely effective incentives for people to save for retirement — particularly for those who don’t yet earn enough to make personal tax relief a meaningful motivator.

Yet according to multiple reports, the Treasury is considering capping the amount that can be contributed through salary sacrifice, potentially at just £2,000 a year. Beyond that, both employee and employer would pay full National Insurance. The Government hopes to raise around £2 billion annually from the change — a tiny sum in fiscal terms, but one that could hit younger and mid-career workers hardest.

As Claer Barrett, the Financial Times Consumer Editor, put it recently, the idea is “nuts” — especially given that the same Treasury is currently running a review aimed at encouraging higher pension contributions. Becky O’Connor from PensionBee warned that the move “will do untold damage to the savings system and hit younger workers hardest.” And Tom Selby of AJ Bell said it would “deter good employers from contributing more” — the exact opposite of what the country needs as we face rising longevity and care costs.

While it might seem politically expedient to “go after” higher earners, many of those affected — myself included — are people who started earning later because of university and postgraduate training. We missed the key early years of pension saving, and we’re unlikely to qualify for any other forms of state assistance in retirement. Weakening private pensions now doesn’t punish the rich — it punishes the responsible.

Why this matters for younger Liberals

Younger Liberals should care deeply about this. Many of today’s under-30s face a future where the state pension may not even exist in its current form. The Office for Budget Responsibility projects that by the 2050s, there will be barely two working adults for every pensioner. If we undermine private saving now, we are setting up an intergenerational time bomb — one that today’s youth will be forced to defuse.

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The Triple Lock: Well-intended, now unsustainable

Let us travel all the way back to 2010, a year in which a jubilant “Cleggmania” contrasted with a dire backdrop. The economy was in bad shape following the 2008 financial crash. We had just failed to reach an agreement with Gordon Brown’s Labour Party (the maths wasn’t ‘mathing’), and as a result went into a coalition with the Conservatives. Austerity was the word on everyone’s lips, and for many of us, it was an inevitable devastation for our families and communities.

However, there was a Liberal Democrat Minister – who is often forgotten in the re-litigation and discourse about that fateful coalition – Sir Steve Webb.

Webb sought to correct a major structural inequity; the shambolic state of the country’s state pension. Margaret Thatcher, who many gleefully refer to as “Milk Snatcher”, had decided to break the earnings link of the state pension in 1980. For decades, the pensions had only ever been uprated by inflation – which meant pensioner incomes fell steadily behind wages. 

So what was his solution? The Triple Lock – and despite my blatant misgivings of it, I think it was a good idea at the time. It helped restore financial security to millions of pensioners who had been neglected.

But policy solutions are rarely permanent – especially economic ones. The problems they fix evolve and mutate, the numbers change, and even good ideas can outlive their purpose. Not even Beveridge’s reforms were meant to last forever.

Since 2010, when Webb introduced the policy, Britain has faced a saga of crises: Brexit, COVID-19, the Ukraine War, and Liz Truss.

Our population is ageing, productivity is stagnant, employment is fragile (not helped by Labour’s Employer NICs policy), and wages grow at a snail’s pace. These factors have led to crowding out of other welfare expenditure, the support ratio (the number of people supporting each pensioner) falling, and a squeeze on the working-age population.

The ground beneath the Triple Lock has become incredibly unstable. The Office for Budget Responsibility’s own findings tell us it will cost an additional £15.5 billion a year by 2029/30, while welfare expenditure elsewhere is likely to be slashed further by Rachel Reeves.

Make no mistake, the Triple Lock remains a liberal achievement. But it is also a policy mechanism – and like all mechanisms, it can outlive its purpose. What was once an act of fairness is now a major fiscal liability. We are transferring wealth from younger and working-age citizens to retirees faster than any major economy, according to the Resolution Foundation.

As liberals, we believe in fairness, dignity, and liberty through economic security. Therefore, we cannot – in good faith – continue to justify the existence of a policy that now undermines all three. There is a way to correct this course and protect the State Pension, and it eliminates the liability without hurting the poorest pensioners: means-testing.

Universality, in theory, is a nice idea – it avoids the bureaucratic stress of thresholds, tapering, cliff-edges and tribunals – but it is highly inequitable. People say that it works because of recapture, but does it really? When you give money to the wealthiest, richest demographics, those with the lowest Marginal Propensity to Consume, you do not get nearly as much – if anything – back.

That’s why we must consider a means-tested approach that protects those in genuine need while restoring balance, such as:

  • We should make the Double Lock the default (higher of CPI or earnings). This removes the problematic 2.5% ratchet for most people, and in turn potentially still saves around £12 billion based on OBR figures.
  • But that does not mean getting rid of the Triple Lock entirely, if we let the poorest pensioners (bottom 20-25% based on current income) retain the Triple Lock, they are not losing support from the State Pension. Moreover, the savings we make from equitable reforms means we can support them better, too.
  • For those in the higher-rate tax band of 40%, or equivalent in terms of pensionable income, they do not get either the Triple Lock or Double Lock; they get the Single Lock (CPI only). Their pension grows with prices, but it does not grow faster than the working-age tax base. This could save around £1.3 billion at steady-state.
  • Finally, those with the highest pensionable income – say £70k-£90k+ – do not need the state pension and therefore shouldn’t receive it. We shouldn’t be subsidising avarice when children are going to bed hungry and people are freezing to death on the streets in Winter. This could save around £5.75 billion per year, after admin costs.
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Presidential and Vice Presidential counts to get underway at 10 am but all committee counts postponed

Today the counts get under way for the federal internal elections.

Online voting ended at 2pm yesterday but the voting period was dominated by the changes to the diversity quotas announced the day before polling started on October 28th.

On that day, presidential candidate Prue Bray wrote that she was so angry she could barely type.

It is far from clear what the law is exactly at this point, but even if we are not compliant with it, the party should have to be dragged kicking and screaming to do this! If we give up without a fight, not only will we be letting trans and non-binary people down and violating one of the core values of the party, namely, our opposition to discrimination of any kind – we will also do ourselves immense damage. We will lose the trust of many of our LGBTQ+ members and voters and their allies. Some may choose to quit the party altogether. The stupidity of the way that this has been done, without any explanation to those involved, without any priming, without any expression of regret..! I am not sure whether I feel furious – or heartbroken.

Her fellow candidate Josh Babarinde said shortly thereafter that he stood with trans an non binary Lib Dems.

What has happened in the last 24 hours represents the mere tip of the iceberg of the kind of thing trans and non-binary people face when going about life day-to-day, never mind when putting their heads above the parapet to stand in elections to represent us.

We’ve got to do more to support our trans and non-binary candidates, and ensure they feel safe and valued making contributions to public life. I’ve already had discussions with trans and non binary members about what this practically needs to look like, and I’m fired up to continue these discussions and drive action accordingly, irrespective of the Presidential election.

Since then, there has been an extraordinary and brilliant display of joint working between Josh, Prue and the official diversity organisations within the party, LGBT+ Lib Dems, Lib Dem Women, Lib Dem Campaign for Racial Equality and the Lib Dem Disability Association. They met the KC who had provided the party with the legal advice which had kicked this all off on Friday and issued a detailed statement on Monday which we reported here.

At the same time, Lucas North, a candidate in the elections, challenged the Returning Officer’s decision at a Federal Appeals Panel hearing on Monday. The decision was published yesterday and found in Lucas’s favour. The 2 page decision is published in full below.

The Federal Returning Officer David Crowther announced his resignation this norning:

Following the decision by FAP I don’t believe my position as FRO is any longer tenable and so I have resigned with immediate effect.

I’d like to put on record my thanks to Rachel Minshull and Mike Dixon for their support and endless hard work that made the volunteer role at all possible.

David was in an impossible position. As a volunteer, going against the party’s legal advice would have been extremely risky. We should be grateful to him for his service in this role.

There will have to be a review of what happened because there is much to learn from this. It should be carried out in a spirit of transparency and humility and we should make sure that nothing like this ever happens again.

How we deal with the quotas going forward will need to be addressed too, but the willingness we have seen for all the key players to work together over the past few weeks is an extremely good sign.

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How Sam beat Reform in Bromsgrove

Like many Lib Dems I was  immensely pleased to read of the victory of Sam Ammar in Bromsgrove South last week,  taking a seat from Reform.  

I had met  Sam at the  London Region Conference a few weeks ago and was really struck by her story of how she joined us from Labour and her energy and enthusiasm and I  wanted to find our the inside story of how our   Bromsgrove Team beat Reform.

The by election was called after a Reform Cllr ( who had not attended any Council meetings since her election in May ) resigned due to ill health. The ward is  very diverse from heavy social housing in one end (in the District  Council  seat which Sam also represents ) to £million houses at the other end and 3  gastro pubs.

Sam has been our candidate in May 2025  coming a runner up when Reform took the ward from the Tories and  already represents part of the ward on the District Council. She was selected as candidate and the team immediately started intensive campaigning. 

There were a number of local issues which we were already campaigning on, one of them  was the Government Plan for an additional 9,000 homes to be built locally  with 500 in the heart of the ward. 

Dr David Nicholls one of our local Cllrs and PPC in 2024  said : “I absolutely accept that we need to build more houses, but concreting fields is not the answer,” 

Lib Dems have also been campaigning for a new road the ‘Western Relief Road” to run in parallel with the M5 and  relieve congestion on the A38 – something that will only get worse if new homes are built.

Our literature was classic ALDC by election stuff with an attack/squeeze  leaflet aimed at Reform issued at the end of the campaign. 

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Turning Recognition into Action: The Case for a UK Ban on Settlement Trade

One month after the Gaza ceasefire, and the prospect of a just and lasting resolution feels as distant as ever. In Gaza, Israel continues to dictate the terms of an increasingly fragile peace – obstructing humanitarian access, committing near-daily ceasefire violations, and showing little sign of any genuine commitment to withdrawal or reconstruction.  

But it is in the West Bank that Israel’s true intentions are most clearly revealed. While global attention has remained fixed on Gaza, Netanyahu’s government has quietly pressed ahead with the steady consolidation of its grip on the occupied territory. 

This year has already seen record levels of settler violence, carried out with the active support of the Israeli government and army. The weeks following the ceasefire have been no exception. In the past month alone, Israeli forces and settlers have carried out more than 2,300 attacks across the occupied West Bank, terrorising inhabitants and forcibly displacing Palestinians from their homes through demolitions, arbitrary arrests, physical assaults and the uprooting of over 1,000 olive trees.

Mere weeks after the ceasefire was announced, the Knesset advanced a bill to annex the West Bank, a move that would constitute a clear breach of international law. And just this week, the government issued tenders for 356 new settlement housing units in the territory. This follows its revival of the controversial E1 settlement plan, a project that would cut the West Bank in two –  a clear attempt to bury any remaining hopes for a two-state solution. 

These are not the actions of a government interested in peace, but of one intent on erasing, piece by piece, the separate identity of the Palestinian people and their culture and the very state that the UK and other western nations have finally recognised. 

It is futile to hope that Israel will change course on its own. Even Yair Lapid, the leader of Israel’s so-called ‘liberal’ opposition party, voted in favour of the recent annexation bill (though this is hardly surprising, given his party’s own record of deepening the settlement project while in power). 

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Labour must listen to Sir Ed Davey on electoral reform

There are many things that Labour and the Liberal Democrats may disagree about, but on one issue they are of one mind – a Reform government would be a disaster for the UK. It might even mean the end of the UK.

You would think that when the BBC reported recently that Davey wants to work with government on electoral reform the Labour government would have embraced the idea. After all, Keir Starmer supported electoral reform during his bid to become Labour leader in 2020. True, he then seemed to lose interest in the idea, and it never appeared in Labour’s election manifesto of 2024 (Labour winning an overall majority was more likely then than in 2020), but surely some awareness of his ’loveless landslide’ and the prospect of losing heavily in the next general election might encourage him to change his mind?

It seems not. As the BBC article reported, the government did not back Sarah Olney’s Lib Dem bill aimed at introducing proportional representation last year, even though it passed the first parliamentary stage with a majority of two, largely because more Labour MPs backed it than opposed it. The government simply denied the bill the parliamentary time to proceed. Once Starmer saw that a majority of his own MPs supported electoral reform, he decided that the best thing to do was to prevent it being discussed.

The problem is that the same system that gave Labour its landslide supported by only just over one third of voters, could give Reform a similar majority at the next election. And surprise, surprise, Farage, a longstanding supporter of PR has started to change his tune.  Of course he has, just as Starmer changed his. The prospect of the nearest to absolute control a democracy can offer is too tempting for either man to resist.

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 Charles Kennedy’s belief in people can save liberal democracy

At this critical juncture, liberal democracy is facing a profound global crisis. Populists, masquerading as the voice of ‘the people’, are gaining traction, while liberals are often perceived as mere mouthpieces for institutions. However, as Charles Kennedy eloquently articulated two decades ago, liberalism is not elitist; it is the most valid form of democracy, deeply rooted in compassion, honesty, and trust in ordinary people.

It’s time to reclaim populism for liberal democracy, wresting it from the grip of extreme factions. This could be a pivotal strategy in our efforts to revitalise liberal democracy, and it’s a task that cannot be delayed.

Charles Kennedy’s political rhetoric points us in the right direction. It was accessible, human, and moral rather than managerial. His opposition to the Iraq War wasn’t just a matter of policy, but also a display of courage against the establishment consensus. He believed that politics should speak to ordinary people first, and then to Westminster. Kennedy knew that the people are always wiser than the government thinks, and wanted the Liberal Democrats to acknowledge that. He argued that our party should offer democratic empowerment without resorting to demagoguery, reducing the role of central government control over public services and handing it to the people who understand the needs of their communities much better than Whitehall.

We can, and must, build upon the foundation Charles Kennedy laid for us. We must pursue a politics that puts power, dignity, and voice back in the hands of citizens, while protecting every individual’s freedom under the law. This includes instituting citizens’ assemblies to run alongside devolved governments, introducing participatory budgeting for local communities, which empowers local people to have a say in how their money is spent, and implementing anti-corruption laws, closing tax loopholes, and championing transparent governance in both public and private bodies.

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Mathew on Monday: In defence of the BBC even in its hour of turbulence

The BBC is far from perfect.

At times we in the Liberal Democrats have been among its sharpest critics, rightly pointing to its uneven decision-making, occasional failure to challenge populist narratives, and its choice to give disproportionate airtimes to parties such as Reform UK whose parliamentary representation remains limited.

Yet, as the Corporation faces one of the most serious crisis in its recent history, we should step back and recognise that, despite its flaws, it still stands as one of the last bulwarks against the malign forces corroding our politics and media ecosystem.

Yesterday the BBC’s Director General, Tim Davie, and the News Chief, Deborah Turness, tendered their resignations.

The immediate trigger was a whistleblower memo that accused the BBC of “serious and systematic” bias in its coverage of issues including Donald Trump, Gaza, and trans rights.

The specific spark was the editing of speech by the US President which, critics argue, omitted key phrases that softened his rhetoric and thus altered its meeting.

It is a messy episode, one that the BBC must address with humility and urgency.

But it is precisely because the BBC is meant to be a strong, independent, public institution that this moment matters so much.

We must defend its purpose even as we demand reform.

It is fashionable to bash the BBC.

To the populist Right, it is a bastion of “metropolitan liberalism”-to sections of the Left, it is a tool of the establishment.

Neither caricature holds up.

What the BBC truly represents is an institution trying-often imperfectly-to balance truth, fairness, and impartiality in an age when those qualities are very much under siege.

The rise of hyper-partisan online media, the decay of local journalism, and the growing influence of billionaire-backed broadcasters have created a toxic environment for democracy.

In that context, a publicly-funded broadcaster with a clear duty to inform, educate, and entertain remains essential.

The BBC is not only a trusted source of news at home, it is one of Britain’s most effective instruments of soft power abroad.

From the World Service to natural history documentaries it projects values of curiosity, decency and global awareness that are infinitely more powerful than any ministerial press release.

Defending the BBC, then, is not about pretending it gets everything right.

Clearly it doesn’t.

The resignations of its most senior, and until now apparently secure leaders are testimony to how seriously a failure of trust can hit a public institution.

The corporation has at times been timid when courage was required; it has been slow to adapt in a more plural media age; it must do better in reflecting the full diversity of the United Kingdom.

But these reforms must aim to strengthen, not hollow out, its independence.

We Liberal Democrats understand that pluralism and free expression require institutions capable of standing firm in the face of pressure.

We cannot rely solely on algorithms, clickbait, and billionaire-owned platforms to sustain a healthy public sphere.

The market, left to itself, rewards outrage and division; public broadcasting, at its best, rewards accuracy and perspective.

That is why successive generations of Liberals have supported the BBC’s public service mission.

The debate about the BBC’s future funding will intensify in the months ahead.

Some will argue for scrapping the licence fee entirely, replacing it with subscription models or purely commercial funding.

But that path risks eroding the very principles that make the BBC so valuable.

Once editorial decisions start depending on advertising revenue or subscriber metrics, the incentive shifts away from difficult, public-interest journalism towards chasing clicks and commercial returns.

At the same time, the resignations at the top send a signal-not of collapse, but of accountability.

It is an invitation for the BBC to renew itself, to rebuild trust, and to reaffirm its foundational mission.

In this deeply volatile political moment, where democracies are vulnerable to disinformation, foreign influence, and inner-division, we must not let the BBC be consumed by culture-war turf fights that seek to either destroy or capture it.

The BBC’s critics often claim to speak for “ordinary people.”

Yet polling consistently shows that the public, while yes frustrated with some of its decisions, still values and trusts the BBC more than almost any other media outlet.

In an era of deep cynicism about politics and institutions, that trust is a national asset we would be very foolish to squander.

Defending the BBC, therefore, is a liberal cause.

It is about standing up for a space in which facts can be checked, arguments heard and culture shared across divides.

It is about ensuring that news is not the plaything of power.

It is about recognising that democracy depends not only on votes at the ballot box but also on the quality of information citizens receive before casting them.

The BBC must (small r) reform.

And yes, it must face up to its errors, including the very real crisis of confidence that produced the resignations of Davie and Turness.

But it must also survive.

For all of its frustrations, its bureaucratic oddities and its failings, it remains one of the few places where the nation still talks to itself rather than at itself.

In the noisy, polarised, post-truth world that we inhabit, that is worth defending with passion and pride.

Not because it’s perfect, but because without it things could be much worse.

In praise of…David Bill

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Prue Bray writes: Reflections on the Presidential campaign

Editor’s Note: In November party members will be voting to elect our next Party President. At Lib Dem Voice we welcome posts from each of the candidates – one to launch their candidature plus a maximum of one per week during the actual campaign. The online ballot closes TOMORROW, 11 NOVEMBER AT 14:00.

Prue Bray standing next to logo Prue for President

When I decided to stand for President of the Liberal Democrats, it was because I had something to say about where I thought the party needed to change to be more effective but also to become a better and happier place for members.

My campaign messages have been about working together instead of in silos, about involving people more in the decisions that are made, about strategy planning, and about spreading knowledge and information in better ways. In other words, about cultural change, and how I would bring it about.

There have been some striking examples in the last few weeks of why these changes are necessary, starting with one very obvious one: the limited number of members who are even aware that the federal elections are taking place. The Presidential candidates and our teams have attended over a dozen hustings, have written articles for Lib Dem Voice, posted in various party Facebook forums, produced manifestos and websites, and videos, distributed literature, phoned members, answered emails and attended conferences. And yet we have reached only a fraction of the membership. Contacting members in local parties up and down Great Britain has revealed that many of them, perhaps the majority, did not see – or remember – any emails about the elections, and were completely oblivious to the fact they were taking place.

Of course, not everyone wants to participate, but we need to do better in making sure people know what is going on. We pride ourselves on our internal democracy, but how representative is it if only a minority engage with it? It’s not just the federal elections that show email and the website by themselves are not enough. I have lost count of the number of people who have given me other examples. How do we do better? More information for local social media pages and groups to spread, more phone calls, more pieces of paper through doors, more knocking on doors, and – where we can afford it – more direct mail. In other words, treat contact with our members like contact with our voters. It’s not rocket science. But it does involve hard work, at least to start off with.

A second example of why these changes are necessary is what has happened over the diversity quotas in the elections. Trans and non-binary members and especially trans and non-binary candidates have been let down. There has been poor communication of what was going on. Reactive, not proactive action. Lack of strategic planning. A big blow to our values. A big blow to the sovereignty of conference. Such a lot of negativity – but there is hope too.

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The Green Party membership surge: Does it actually matter?

As someone that worked in the membership department at Lib Dem HQ during a time when we had three surges in membership in as many years, I got to know the elation and pitfalls of membership surges. When you are in them, they are intoxicating and enthralling but, as soon as they end, that is when the hard graft starts. That applies to both the national and local parties.

However, looking back to the several years of Lib Dem membership surges, I find myself asking did it matter? Below I’ve sketched out three reasons why they did and three why I think they were completely irrelevant. Good advice to both the Green party and any other party that might be surging in membership at the moment.

Why they matter

Money, Money, Money.

According to the Green party’s own Instagram post (dated 27th Oct) around 130,000 new members have joined the party since Zack Polanski was elected leader. With a non-concessionary membership rate of £60 a year, that leaves the Green party with just over £7.8 million in income. Of course, not everyone would’ve paid this, but many would have also donated when they joined.

In most membership driven organisations, membership subs are used to fund core costs. This will include staff, office premises, IT, HR and other infrastructure to keep the business of a political party running. This money will not necessarily be used to fight the next set of local elections that come around. If the Green Party is sensible, it will use that money to build capacity in local communities, especially in the 40 seats that the Green Party came second in at the last general election.

The creation of the die-hard activist.

Research done into the membership of political parties show that although the primary reason people joined political parties were ideological, finding a place to belong came a relatively close second. For those of us that either are or have been political activists, we will know that particularly during election times you can spend more time with activists than you do with your own family.

There is always a sliding scale of members participation in party activities. In my experience is that the majority will do nothing more than pay their membership subs and read the emails that they get sent from the central party. This runs all the way to the top 2% of activists, who spend every waking minute thinking about the design of a Focus leaflet or which by-election they’re going to go to on the weekend. Each membership surge has that 2% of hard-core activists. All the Green Party have to do is find them and touch them. 

Geographical spread

The Green Party have come from the base of just over 20,000 members. Which if we divide by the number of constituencies in England and Wales leaves the Green party with on average 34 members per Parliamentary constituency.  Of course, there will be constituencies where is the Green party have a larger active base and are likely to have many more than 34 members.

A geographical spread of membership that having over 150,000 members affords you, gives you a real boost in the number of candidates you can field in local elections. If we take the last set of full council elections (2024). At those elections both the Conservatives and Labour contested over 90% of the local council seats up that year. The Green party just managed 62%. This is a massive achievement but still way short of a full slate of candidates, especially considering that the local elections in 2024 had a relatively small number of councillors up for election.

Why it is completely irrelevant

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The Liberal Democrats must be the party that stands for Growth – and we are the best positioned to deliver it

Zohran Mamdani’s stunning victory in the New York mayoral race last week was more than a local upset. It symbolised a growing confidence among the democratic socialist left — in the United States, but also here in the UK. The rise of figures like Zach Polanski, newly elected leader of the Green Party of England and Wales, with his self-described ‘eco-populist’ views, and the new political venture of Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana, suggest that the populist left is not going away.

How should the Liberal Democrats respond — and where, in an increasingly polarised landscape, is our space?
The answer is clear: we must be the party that unapologetically stands for economic growth. Growth that is fair, sustainable and inclusive — but growth nonetheless. Because without growth, there is no route to improving living standards, funding high-quality public services, or addressing inequality. Without growth, liberalism has no solid foundation.

Growth is the antidote to populism

For too long, Britain has been trapped in a cycle of stagnation. Real wages have barely risen in more than fifteen years. Productivity growth has collapsed. Living standards have flatlined. It is little wonder that so many people are disillusioned and drawn to the counterfeit promises of populists — whether from the far left or the nationalist right.
If liberals fail to offer a credible path to prosperity, others will fill that void. That is why the Liberal Democrats must be the movement that argues confidently for growth — not as an afterthought to fairness, but as its precondition.
Fairness and growth are not opposites. They are mutually reinforcing. A society that provides opportunity, rewards effort, and removes barriers to participation is one that will grow. A growing economy, in turn, gives us the means to invest in fairness — in childcare, education, healthcare, and social mobility.

A liberal abundance agenda

In the United States, some thinkers have begun speaking of an ‘abundance agenda’ — the idea that societies can renew themselves by building more, investing more, and unblocking the forces of progress. As they note, America is stuck between a progressive movement that is too afraid of growth, and a conservative movement that is allergic to government intervention.

The same tension exists here. Labour knows that Britain needs growth, but its leadership remains timid — constrained by vested interests and trade union conservatism. The Conservatives (occasionally) talk about dynamism but have presided over years of anaemic productivity, high taxes on work, and collapsing investment.

Liberal Democrats should claim the abundance agenda as our own. We believe in both enterprise and effective government; both social justice and economic dynamism. We can be the party that unites optimism about markets with a belief in reforming the state so it actually works. That means removing the bureaucratic, outdated or self-defeating regulations that strangle innovation, while actively investing in the infrastructure, skills and institutions that enable growth.

Reforming tax to reward work

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Tom Arms’ World Review

Japan

The Japanese economy is in trouble. Not huge trouble. Its growth rate is a mere 0.5 percent. Inflation looks good at 2.2 percent but the country has an ageing population and low birth rate.

It is unsteady enough that a major setback could have big consequences for the world’s third largest economy. And Trump’s tariffs have created a setback for the country’s car industry. So much so that this week industry leaders took the unusual step of warning of tough times ahead.

Japan is heavily dependent on car exports. According to the International Trade Centre, 20 percent of Japanese exports are cars and car exports account for 28.3 percent of all Japanese exports to the US.

Trump’s tariffs, warned Japanese car manufacturers, will cost the country billions in lost profits and that the industry will be faced to tighten its belt for “the foreseeable future.”

Under the terms of a US-Japan trade agreement negotiated two months ago, across-the-board US tariffs on Japanese goods were reduced to 15 percent in return to a $550 billion Japanese investment in the US.

The problem is that Japan is already the biggest foreign direct investor in the US. At the end of 2024 it had $819.2 billion invested in the US. Much of it was in the car industry. In fact, 70 percent of the Japanese-brand cars sold in the US are manufactured in America.

Honda Motor announced last Friday that it expected the tariffs to cut its profits by approximately $2.5 billion. The previous day, Nissan Motors said it would have broken even this year if not for the tariffs. Instead, it projected a $1.8 billion loss.

Japan’s largest carmaker, Toyota Motors, said earlier this week that it expected tariffs to cost the company about $9.4 billion this year, an upward revision from its August forecast of $9.1 billion. The company said the levies were hitting not only its own exports but also its worldwide network of suppliers.

During his recent trip to Japan, Donald Trump, Mr. Trump said Toyota would sell American-made vehicles in Japan and would spend $10 billion constructing auto plants “throughout the United States.”

As usual, Trump’s hyperbolic comments required clarification. They came from Kenta Ton, Toyota’s chief financial officer who said that the company had made no “formal $10 billion commitment and selling American cars in Japan “was a possibility that Toyota would consider.”

Hungary

Trump faced a diplomatic dilemma as this blog went to press on Friday. Does his relations with a close foreign political ally outweigh the American national interest and, possibly, has chances of winning next year’s Nobel Peace Prize?

Normally any meeting between Donald Trump and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban is a glowing session of the mutual admiration society. Orban is seen by many in the administration and the wider MAGA movement as the European precursor for populist conservatism in America.

During Trump’s wilderness years, Orban continued to sing his praises and even visited him at his Mar-a-Lago Florida estate. The fact that Orban’s government was in bad odour with the Biden Administration has also helped him with Trump.

Many have pointed Orban’s crackdown on the media, immigration, courts and academia as a model for Trump’s own actions. And Deputy Secretary of State John Landau recently praised the Hungarian leader for his “unstinting defense of Western Christian values.”

But beside that is the recent sanctions that Trump imposed on Russia’s two biggest oil companies as a sign of the frustration that Trump feels at Putin’s refusal to compromise his positions on Ukraine.

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Observations of an Expat: Court with a Backbone

It has been a bad week for President Donald J. Trump. He was overwhelmingly trounced in every election held this week. The Democrats exceeded all expectations.

Then Pope Leo criticised his human rights record. A former chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court said that his missile attacks on Venezuelan boats were a “crime against humanity”. The government shutdown entered a record week and Transport Secretary Sean Duffy warned that he would have to start cancelling flights.

But perhaps the most impactful event occurred not at the polling stations but in the dusty and cerebral corridors of the US Supreme Court. It was there that the nine Justices appeared to find their collective backbone and do the job for which they were intended—preventing over-reach by the executive branch of the US government.

Before the court was the issue of Trump’s tariffs. And the court was faced with two main questions: Did the president abuse his power by imposing tariffs without congressional approval and is there an economic emergency that justifies him in using his powers?

We won’t know for some months—possibly not until June—the court’s ruling on these issues. But on Wednesday we were provided with an inkling of the Justices’ thinking based on the rather pointed the questions that they were asking the president’s legal team.

Amy Coney Barrett, is a Trump-appointed Justice who has supported the president on almost every contentious issue. She asked Solicitor-General John Sauer: “And so it is your contention that every country needed to be tariffed because of threats to the defense and industrial base? I mean, Spain? France? Italy? I could see it with some countries, but explain to me why as many countries needed to be subjected to reciprocal tariffs as are.”

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Beyond the picket line: why Liberal Democrats must rebuild bridges with Britain’s workers

In an era when populism erodes democratic norms and insecurity pervades the modern workplace, the defence of liberal democracy must extend beyond parliaments and ballot boxes. It must reach the factory floor, the classroom, and the hospital wards. The right to organise, to be treated fairly, and to have a voice at work are not socialist luxuries. They are the foundations of a free society, and the current situation demands our immediate attention and action.

More than twenty years ago, Charles Kennedy understood this. In 2002, addressing the Trades Union Congress in Blackpool, he declared:

We Liberal Democrats believe in dialogue. We believe in cooperation with both sides of industry and between both sides of industry. And we believe in the language of cooperation. We reject the language of confrontation.

It was a moment of quiet courage; a Liberal Democrat leader standing before a movement that had long looked elsewhere for political allies, and saying that liberalism and organised labour could, and should, speak the same moral language, rooted in our shared history and values.

Kennedy’s message was simple. Trade unions are healthy for society. The market, though a powerful force of prosperity, requires a balance between worker voice and public accountability. He warned against the creeping belief, imported from across the Atlantic, that “the private sector is always better”. That warning rings louder today than ever, and it is a lesson our friends across the pond are slowly learning, as evidenced by Zohran Mamdani’s recent victory in the New York mayoral election.

Two decades later, Britain finds itself at another crossroads. Labour’s Working Rights Bill seeks to ban exploitative zero-hour contracts, end fire-and-rehire practices, expand day-one employment rights and strengthen collective bargaining. The aims are noble: fair pay, stable work and dignity for all. Yet while Labour presses ahead, the Liberal Democrats risk looking like bystanders in the debate that should define us.

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Economics: Thinking about Resources

I’ve noticed here on LibDemVoice that when we have a discussion about the economy and what the Government can afford, it usually descends into a very technical argument about the nature of money: is money a flow, as mainstream economics says, or is it destroyed by tax, as Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) advocates believe?

Wouldn’t it be nice if there were an alternative way to think about expenditure that avoided these arguments and got to the root of what is really going on when we decide whether something is affordable? Well, there is! Instead of counting money, try thinking about the actual resources consumed.

How does that work? Here’s an example:

Most LibDems agree that fixing the crisis in social care should be a priority. That means we need more social care workers. There are currently around 1.8 million people working in social care in the UK (Report for Skills for Care and Development). Let’s say, for the sake of argument, that we decide adequate social care requires 10% more workers. That’s nearly 0.2 million people.

Here is where thinking about resources kicks in. Let’s say you do somehow recruit 0.2 million more social care workers. That doesn’t by itself change the size of the available workforce, so it must mean 0.2 million fewer people doing something else. Some other industry will have to produce fewer goods or services because it will have fewer workers. Which industry? Well, in theory the Government could make that decision by taxing or cutting spending on some specific thing. Or it could let the market choose — which will mean the jobs will be lost in whatever industry is least able to compete for those workers. But either way, we will gain more social care but lose out in some other way.

Another example: junior doctors are about to go on strike. They want more money, which the Government says it can’t afford. How would that work economically? Again, think about resources rather than money: the relevant resource here is all the things that people might buy with their money — food, travel, housing, and so on. The total quantity of available goods and services people can buy (the size of the “cake”) won’t change just because you give junior doctors a salary increase. What would change is that doctors would get a slightly bigger share of that cake. And — guess what — that must mean a smaller share for everyone else, translating into a small loss of standard of living for the rest of us.

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Standing up for local government – why I’m backing Josh

Editor’s Note: This month party members will be voting to elect our next Party President. At Lib Dem Voice we welcome posts from each of the candidates – one to launch their candidature plus a maximum of one per week during the actual campaign.

Local government is the bedrock of Liberal Democrat politics. It is the layer of politics that is closest to the everyday lives of people – from the mundane to the momentous. It is local government that controls everything from bin collections and fixing roads to adult social care and SEN provision. In fact, around 800 essential services are delivered by this tier of administration. It is little wonder then that Liberal Democrats – long local champions – have been rebuilding and growing our presence on local councils up and down England.

Today our councillors already control billions in public money and deliver life-changing services. They do so diligently and conscientiously, never losing sight of the communities they represent. In my part of the world, South Cambs the Liberal Democrats have been the driving force behind three new towns being built: Northstowe, Waterbeach New Town and the large extension to Cambourne at West Cambourne – along with a future new village at Bourn Airfield. We are building new homes, new town hubs and services for local people with a careful eye on protecting and increasing the area’s bio-diversity. In short we are putting liberalism into action.

These stories of Liberal Democrats working hard need telling and I believe Josh Babarinde – who has been a councillor himself – is best placed to do this as President. I know that he will help bring the LGA, ALDC and HQ’s experience and expertise together to ensure that the work of our councillors get the profile they deserve and I know he has already started thinking of how we can make the bonds between our councillors and MPs stronger.

Josh wants to pilot a buddying scheme between some of our council group leaders and parliamentarians to help forge an even closer relationship between Westminster and our town and city halls. In South Cambs we are very fortunate to have wonderful MPs in Pippa Heylings, Ian Sollom and Charlotte Cane. We have been able to work hand in glove to secure the best outcomes for those we serve. Not every Liberal Democrat council group leader will be so lucky and Josh’s plan to pilot a buddying scheme, with our 72 MPs could have a real impact: just imagine how much we could learn from each other from social media use to campaigning in Parliament and beyond.

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Nice guys finish first in Dutch election 

‘Het kan wel’, a play on Barack Obama’s ‘Yes, we can’ quip, was ringing out in the Netherlands as Rob Jetten and his liberal D66 party surprised the pundits by winning the Dutch General Election last week. It was a close-run thing though, and it was only after all the postal votes had been counted that he was declared victorious against Geert Wilders’ nationalist PVV party, by a historically small margin of 28,000 votes. D66 will now be able to look to form a coalition government after increasing their seats from 9 in 2023 to 26 seats. 

Jetten’s style in this election was positive and energetic. It was clear that he was playing straight from the Obama and Trudeau copybook, and it cut through against the doom and gloom politics of the parties on the right and left. Jetten tapped into the question of ‘who’s flag’, by declaring himself a positive patriot and being photographed in the red, white and blue of the Dutch flag. He also made a good account of himself, and his party, in the media and even appeared on a popular TV quiz show, that seemed to work wonders for his personal credentials.  

Despite being only 38 years old, Jetten has been in Dutch politics for several years now and looks likely to be the youngest Dutch Prime Minister in Dutch history. He will also be the first openly gay Prime Minister. There is still a lot of negotiations to be had to form a coalition, but it looks like he could make the numbers work with the centre-ground parties of the Labour/Green Left, the Christian Democrats, or the VVD. With 76 seats needed for a majority, they may wish to bring in all these parties into the coalition to boost their numbers (to 86) in the House of Representatives.  

While it was a great night for liberals in the Netherlands, it was terrible for the PVV. Geert Wilders, a peroxide haired veteran, was seen as the pantomime villain having been the man who broke the last coalition leading to this snap election. His party lost 11 seats, and more importantly, lost the status of ‘man of the people’. Other hard right parties did make gains, and it’s not clear now whether he will continue as their leader, or whether there will be a realignment on the right of Dutch politics.  

As for the other liberal party in the Netherlands, the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy, the VVD, they had a bizarre night. Despite losing two seats and dropping to their lowest share of the vote since the 1970s, there were scenes of jubilation as, up until a fortnight ago, it looked like it would have been a truly terrible night for the once dominant party of Mark Rutte. They were rescued by leader, Dilan Yesilgoz’s, strong performances in the final few televised debates. There will be an element of soul-searching for their members, but it looks likely that they will support Jetten’s formation of a coalition.  

D66’s success has come from a long march from obscurity. In 2006, they only just survived by a slither (winning only 3 seats) in the General Election and looked set to remain in the shadow of other parties from the centre ground, including the VVD. Many Liberal Democrats who attended the 2015 Autumn Conference in Bournemouth might remember a speech from Sophie in’t Veld, the then D66 MEP, who spoke about how, from a party’s lowest point, they can rebuild into a political force. This is something for Liberal Democrats to take note of.  

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Reclaiming radical hope: lessons from New York

What can the Liberal Democrats learn from Zohran Mamdani’s clean sweep victory of the NYC Mayoral Race?

This week, American Democrat Zohran Mamdani ended a year-long campaign with a decisive victory in the New York mayoral race, winning over 50% of the vote on record turnout. For progressives across the Western world, it was a breath of fresh air: a politics of hope had won. That same evening, at my local party’s AGM, we heard from Martin Tod, the Liberal Democrat candidate for the newly created Hampshire and the Solent Combined Authority. One line from his speech has stayed with me:

Being a Liberal Democrat means always being unhappy with the status quo. That’s hard when you’re the incumbent, but it’s essential.

I have long argued for a politics of hope. That conviction has only strengthened since the election of the 2024 Labour government, when the optimism of “things can only get better” gave way to the weary realisation that “these lot are just the Tories in red ties.” The status quo feels unchanged. Starmer and Reeves promised to repair fourteen years of Conservative austerity, yet little meaningful progress has followed. Disillusioned voters, desperate for something different, are drifting toward Reform UK – a party whose rhetoric increasingly echoes the dark language of Mosley-era politics. Reform demonstrably is not offering hope, but it is offering change.

A politics of hope is exactly the fight Mamdani waged in New York. His campaign insisted that things can and should be better, even under the tightening grip of the Trump regime and relentless media attacks branding him a socialist. Yet, in my view, his platform was not Democratic Socialism – it was a kind of Radical Social Liberalism, the kind of politics the UK desperately needs: energetic, positive, and disciplined on the issues that truly matter to people, however controversial. We need a Liberal Democrats who are unapologetically and loudly Pro-Palestine, Pro-Trans, and Pro-Protest – just as Mamdani was – while maintaining that same message discipline. Throughout his campaign he spoke in Spanish, Arabic, and English, presenting himself as a relatable everyman who could see, and name, the deterioration of the status quo. His message focused on halting and reversing the soaring cost of living in America’s largest metropolis.

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How can I stand in the rain leafleting for a party that does this?

I canvassed seventy-five doors for the Liberal Democrats last Saturday.

I know it’s not a massive number by many politicos’ standards — I mean, I did seven hundred and sixty-nine across the short campaign period last year — but it’s still a decent amount to do on one casualish action day, I think.

And yet, when I watch my partner (our local candidate) trawling through the local rag’s website for things we can use as Focus stories, I can’t help but wonder what I’m doing here.

I am (as far as I’m aware) the only trans member of our local party, and I’m our diversity officer too. I organised and ran the Lib Dem stall at our local pride event this summer, and I spent eight hours wearing my voice hoarse (top tip trans-masc people, it’s a great temporary alternative to T in terms of dropping about an octave) telling attendees that the Lib Dems are standing up for all queer people’s rights. It was a tough day, but it was exhilarating and I loved every second. It was a fantastic way to spend my first ever pride event.

I don’t know if I could do that in good faith any more.

I canvassed seventy-five doors last Saturday because this is the party I’ve signed up to, and because I really truly believe that my partner would be significantly better on the council than the God-awful complacent Labour people currently clogging up this ward. But I did have to slightly switch my brain off in order to do so, because I really don’t know what I would have said if a trans voter had asked me about our party’s policy on their rights.

Now, I know our party’s policy is excellent. We’re in favour of self-ID including a neutral option, a complete ban on conversion practices, and removal of the spousal veto. But at the same time, trans people within the party are not free to be who we are: not if we want to be counted in quotas.

(Non-binary people in particular now don’t show up in gender quotas at all, and it’s not like this can be blamed on the Supreme Court ruling, because non-binary people have never existed in UK law.)

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US election results are a huge relief – but it’s still the economy stupid

Embed from Getty Images

One of the strange things about US democracy (and there are many – as there are in the UK) is that when a party is defeated in a Presidential election it immediately ceases to have a recognised leader and wanders through the political wilderness like thousands of headless chickens.

No party has better demonstrated the above more than the Democratic party since the morning of November 6th 2024. They seem to have gone through a soul-searching exercise that has come up with very little in the way of answers as to why they lost, for a second time, to Trump.

So it was a great relief to see the US election results coming through today.

As Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez told MSNBC:

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Economic growth – simple but not easy.   Part 1.

For decades the current governing party in the UK seems to have assumed that economic growth comes from the blunt instrument of government borrowing and spending. But as state debt has approached 100% of GDP, they have had to think beyond that. Unfortunately, this has not amounted to much, with ideological barriers and lack of experience among decision-makers hindering reforms. Labour tend to resort to photogenic one-off remedies, which may or may not ultimately contribute to any beneficial growth; a heavily subsidised weapons deal, a fantasy ‘new-town’, or a trade deal of exaggerated benefit.

Economic growth is not quite as easy as that, although scoping out required reforms is relatively simple.

To be effective the government instead needs to state its considered position on where it thinks growth comes from, and what hinders it. In addition there is the question of what type of growth is being pursued; surely not all growth is good, especially growth that is not environmentally sustainable, nor fiscally or socially sustainable.

Improving the ‘quality of growth’ sits, strategically, alongside the quest for aggregate higher growth. Environmentally sustainable growth must include the implementation of the ‘polluter pays’ principle. Fiscal sustainability means growth should not be generated through unsustainable debt. Social sustainability means growth that is not captured by a plutocratic elite, leaving everyone else behind, or even poorer.

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I know it’s hard but… please stay

It’s been a difficult time in this party recently. I’ll admit that. Those of us who are trans and non-binary have been vilified not just in the media, but within our own party too. I understand why some people want to leave or resign. It’s not easy to stay.

But if there’s one thing I’ve learned from being on the exec for Plus, it’s that the majority of our members, MPs, and activists support our rights. Most of this party fundamentally disagrees with the Supreme Court ruling.

And let’s be honest, if you do agree with it, you’re in the wrong party. The ruling is dangerous for both cis and trans women, and we must work to overturn it. There are already cases of cis women being kicked out of toilets because they don’t fit patriarchal stereotypes of what a woman should look like. Trans people are being left with nowhere safe to go in public.

Real Liberals are angry about this and want the Equality Act updated so it can no longer be used to strip away equality. But I digress.

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Diversity in name only

Warning: There are mentions made to studies referencing suicidal ideation in the trans community later on in this piece. If this topic causes you discomfort or concern, you may wish to avoid reading this article.

We are now a week removed from our party’s announcement of adherence to the Supreme Court’s ruling on gender identity in reference to our internal election diversity quotas.

During that time, we have heard from many people, including, but not limited to, Prue, Josh, Caron, Rebecca, Iain, Chris and me. There is, however, one person we haven’t heard from: Ed Davey.

Now, of course, there are many Liberal Democrat MPs who have yet to speak out. Still, as both our party’s leader and a previously outspoken supporter of the LGBTQIA+ community, it has been nothing short of a betrayal to hear nothing but radio silence from Ed. His article for the Lib Dem website, published during Pride Month, even referred to our Spring Conference’s reaffirmation of support for LGBTQIA+ rights, with the introduction of the supporting paper “Free To Be Who You Are“, which sets out a range of policies supporting the LGBTQIA+ community. Rereading his piece now, it does beg the question, “How much of this is legitimate support, and how much is pandering?”.

It’s ironic, really, that the paper is titled “Free To Be Who You Are”. Perhaps the subtitle “Unless you’re an elected official in the Lib Dems” is needed to reflect the reality of such a two-faced approach to allyship.

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Mathew on Monday: Human rights protect us all and we must defend them

There are moments in politics when you can feel not just the temperature of the debate shift, but the very foundations of our democracy tremble.

Last week, in the House of Commons, Ed Davey delivered one of those rare speeches that cut through the noise.

Calm, principled, and grounded in the best traditions of British Liberalism, Ed reminded Parliament and the country why the European convention on Human Rights – which Britain helped create, championed by none other than Winston Churchill – remains essential to who we are as a nation.

It shouldn’t need saying, but in 2025 it still tragically does: human rights are not a luxury, nor an inconvenience to be discarded when considered by some to be out of fashion.

They are the bedrock of our freedom, dignity and fairness.

They protect each and every one of us, not just in moments of high politics, but in the quiet moments when we suddenly find ourselves reliant on the protections we too often take for granted.

You don’t always know when you’ll need rights like the right to a fair trial, to family life, or freedom from discrimination.

But when you do need them, you really need them.

And yet the drumbeat against these fundamental protections grows ever louder.

Nigel Farage’s Reform UK – a party that proudly positions itself as anti-rights and, it would seem, anti the rule of law – now threatens to drag our country down a dangerous path.

They talk breezily about leaving the ECHR as if it were a minor administrative tweak, not the ripping up of a promise we made to the world and to our own citizens after the horrors of war – a promise that every human being, whatever their background, status, or present circumstances, deserves dignity, equality, and justice.

For all of the bluster, this isn’t about sovereignty or “taking back control.”

It’s about weakening protections for ordinary people while handing more power to the already powerful.

This isn’t patriotism.

It’s authoritarianism dressed up as populism.

Liberal Democrats know better, and we must say so proudly.

We stand in the great British tradition of liberty under the rule of law, of fairness for all, and of defending the vulnerable – not scapegoating them for political gain.
The ECHR isn’t some foreign imposition.

It’s a British achievement.

A legacy of Churchill.

A beacon of hope to countries emerging from tyranny across Europe.

Leaving it would not make us stronger – it would leave us smaller.

Human rights protect us all.

They are not for one group or another – they are for every citizen, every family, every person who may one day find themselves needing justice, protection, or support.

Those rights were hard-won.

They must be fearlessly defended.

As Liberals we have always believed that the measure of a society is how it treats its people – all of its people, and especially its most persecuted and vulnerable.

Now, more than ever, we must say loud and clear: Britain must remain in the European Convention on Human Rights.

Our freedoms depend on it.

In praise of David Edwards

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Reflecting on a week as a trans Lib Dem councillor

Last week has been hard and the subject of a lot of soul searching.

I’m a Lib Dem for a lot of reasons. I believe in the values of liberalism and appreciate how the party approaches the nuance of those values in balancing individual and community or societal freedoms. I think a political movement that represents this and campaigns for a liberal vision of society that balances these freedoms to empower people, through decentralising of power and moving decision making closer to those it affects is an important thing for our society and is a way out of polarised extremism.

The thoughtfulness of the party’s policy making process to produce impactful, workable policies, and the effectiveness at which we campaign to win power to implement them is a unique place we occupy.

And I care about many of these policies. But being a trans woman I don’t get the option of whether or not trans politics/liberation is one of the policies I focus on, it has to be. As not only is it one that impacts me personally, as an elected trans representative, it is one I am looked at for, and expected to care about regardless.

So on top of fighting for affordable housing, cleaning up the streets in my area and advocating for residents left behind by a complacent Labour council, I’m having to fight against marginalisation. And it’s taking up more and more of my time and mental energy under the huge onslaught we are under: an onslaught of erosion of legal rights and protections, and a steady cultural shift which is seeing an erosion in trans acceptance and cruelty, bigotry and hate becoming acceptable.

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From now on, no decent person can vote Tory – UPDATE

Last week, I wrote about the appalling Tory plan to deport millions of legally settled people.

This plan involved cancelling the Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) of people who are not UK Citizens if they were (among other things) living in a council house, not earning more than £38,700, or had a disabled dependent receiving State benefits. As Shadow Home Office Minister, Katie Lam, said at the time, this policy would target “a mostly, but not entirely, culturally coherent group of people.”

It seems this may have been a step too far even for the Tories. The Guardian reports that …

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What is a liberal party for?

We’ve talked a lot about the changes the party has made to diversity quotas for the forthcoming presidential election this week. Presidential candidates Prue and Josh have had their say, as have Rebecca, Iain and Jack.

I have wanted to amplify other voices, but so many people have asked me for my view that I thought I’d give it to you too.

My heart is in a million pieces this weekend. To be fair, it’s been that way since the Supreme Court Judgement effectively ruined the lives of too many people I love for me to be silent on this issue. Ever.

Over the past four and a bit decades, I have seen on so many occasions the absolute joy that comes with being accepted as the person you are. When someone is recognised as the man or woman or person they have long known themselves to be, it is a real privilege to watch them become themselves rather than hide their true identity. To see them set free to live their best life as their true self, to live peaceably doing their own thing and not getting in anyone’s way.

That’s been the direction of travel for most of my adult life and I was proud that we lived in a country which was one of the best places in the world for trans people.

And then a fringe group, fuelled by £70,000 from a billionaire, were successful in winning their case at the Supreme Court in April, obtaining a judgement that in a very narrow set of circumstances, woman and man in the Equality Act had to be interpreted as this weird and according to doctors at the BMA “scientifically illiterate” definition of biological woman or man.

This judgement makes not one woman safer. In fact the amount of time we have spent talking about these issues over the past few years actively harmed woman’s safety, wellbeing, legal status and wellbeing because it has distracted from the real problems women face in every aspect of their daily lives. The judgement, does, however, make the lives of trans people extremely difficult. And not just trans people. Any woman who doesn’t satisfy narrow criteria on what a woman should look like is now likely to be challenged when doing something as basic as going to the toilet. It’s truly disgusting and demeaning and as liberals we should not stand for it.

What has rendered my heart into its broken state has been seeing the impact on those same people that I love. They are no less who they are, but they feel the weight of prejudice, they fear even the most mundane aspects of daily life. Nobody should be in that situation.

With a few notable exceptions, though, we’ve been silent. We’ve not stood up as we should have done for a marginalised group under fire. We’ve not told the human stories of those affected. We’ve not talked about how this is a dangerous distraction from the real issues facing women.

This, despite our Conference voting in massive numbers just 7 months ago, in favour of a policy paper that is fully in support of the right of trans people and all LGBT+ people to be who they are. Just six weeks ago, our Conference overwhelmingly for the second time against a constitutional amendment which would have required our trans and non binary colleagues to be counted as the sex they were assigned at birth.

I want to give you a bit of background on the quotas. I have spent most of my adult life banging my head against a brick wall trying to get this party to a place where it took women’s representation seriously. But then finally, about 10 years ago, in a windowless room in the party’s former HQ in Great George Street, we got a decent way forward, after much wrangling. I found myself in a room with constitutional wonks like Mark Pack, Jeremy Hargreaves and Jon Ball and we came up with a workable framework for ensuring better and more balanced representation for a number of under-represented groups. The gender quota has also been used on occasion to increase the number of men on a committee when more than 60% of women have been elected. I don’t love that so much because, to be honest, women have been under-represented for so long that we could literally have every place on every committee for the next 2000 years and still not redress the historical imbalance but that’s by the by. But we got these quotas in and I think that they have made a difference even when they have not needed to be used. Our federal committees are more diverse and that is a good thing.

I want these quotas to stay and be used for as long as it takes for there to be a world free of discrimination. But how would I feel about benefitting from their use when my trans and non binary siblings cannot without the indignity of being counted as who they are not.

And now this week, on the eve of ballots being issued, the party issued a statement instituting pretty much what Conference rejected. Did I say it was just 6 weeks ago?

The establishment line, from talking to many people about this in recent days, seems to be:

a) we have advice and we can’t do anything else or the anti-trans groups or individuals will sue us

b) we can’t do as the Scottish Greens have done (with great reluctance) and suspend our gender quota until the legal landscape is clearer for a justification that makes no sense to me.

My feelings on the points above:

a) Try harder. There is more than one legal view on this and we are very likely to get sued from the other perspective to. Our approach seems to be inconsistent with several other laws, including the Human Rights Act and GDPR as far as I can see. Of course I don’t want to see one penny of our members’ money going to anti-trans litigants but I feel like we could be doing a lot more to build a successful challenge.

b) But Conference emphatically rejected the changes announced last week so surely there is no authority to impose them. And any pushback on how the Scottish Greens can do this and we can’t just gets meaningless word salad in return.

c) The communications around this would make an omnishambles look competent and have been woefully inadequate. The initial announcement was slipped out on our internal elections website without candidates being alerted. Not only that, but we should have had a clear statement that this was horrific and that we wanted to see clear changes in the law to ensure that everyone’s rights were respected.

While I am sure that the email sent to candidates late on Friday was well-meaning, it spectacularly failed to show any understanding of how people are actually feeling. It was described to me by one frustrated person thus:

As you’ll notice, we’ve been forced to stand on your fingers as you dangle from the edge of a cliff. We hope you’re not affected by this, but if you are, here’s a helpline where you can access our leaflet, “Dealing with Gravity”. We hope this will be comforting as you plummet hundreds of feet. Have a great weekend!

d) Acquiescing to this is not an isolated incident. We have been consistently throwing the people our preamble requires us to speak for under the bus in this ill-thought through exclusive pursuit of soft Tory voters.

Which is doubly stupid as soft Tory voters are likely to be socially liberal and horrified at what is happening on many levels.

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Observations of an expat: The shutdown

As the US government shutdown enters its fifth week it is a bad time to be an American and a federal employee; need help with food bills; need to travel by plane; need to buy drugs; have to pay health insurance; require Medicare, require Medicaid, be resident in a care home or be in the military or require help with heating bills.

As just about every American is in some way affected by at least one of the above factors, it is fair to say, that it is a bad time to be an American.

The government shutdown is the cause of the current round of American headaches. And the cause of the government shutdown is the Democratic Party’s intense dislike of Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill.

They don’t like the bill’s tax cuts for the wealthy or for corporations. But their biggest gripe is what the One Big Beautiful Bill will do to the health of the nation. It will effectively emasculate Obamacare, put up health insurance premiums by as much as 100 percent, deny Medicaid and Medicare benefits to millions and raise drug charges.

The White House said pass the budget and then negotiations can be held about the health situation. The Democrats don’t trust Trump to hold meaningful talks after he gets what he wants.

So, they have refused to pass the budget and the federal government entered its 22nd shutdown since 1976. This one looks like it will break the record of 35 days. That was set in the first Trump presidency over a dispute for funding for a wall on the southern border.

The president appears unconcerned about the shutdown. In the middle of it he took off for a tour of Asia. The Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, is helping to stretch it out by refusing to recall Congress. Russell Vought, Director of the Office of Management Budget (OMB), is using the shutdown to fire tens of thousands of federal employees. Trump has also said that federal employees who work for nothing during the shutdown will not receive back pay when the shutdown is over.

In the meantime, this weekend, the government’s food assistance programme (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programme or SNAP) will run out of money. An estimated 25 million Americans receive help from SNAP to pay their food bills.

Another six million Americans receive federal assistance with their heating bills under the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Programme. As the cold weather sets in, those payments will stop.

Air traffic controllers are classified “essential workers” which means that they have to turn up for work whether there is any money to pay them or not. They have been working for zero pay for a month and many of them are calling in sick in order to support their families by working part-time at other jobs that pay them. Transport Secretary Sean Duffy has said that any air traffic controller who fails to turn up for work will be fired. In the meantime there is chaos in American airports with delays and cancellations.

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