Category Archives: Op-eds

Urgent Call to Action by Lib Dem MPs on Palestine

Recent statements from the UK government and its representatives have made one thing abundantly clear: the Government fully understands both the dire situation on the ground in Palestine and the extent to which Israeli actions are violating international law. Sadly, what remains absent is any willingness to translate that recognition into meaningful action.  There is an opportunity for our MPs, when they return from recess next week, to make a difference.

Speaking at the UN Security Council this week, the UK’s Chargé d’Affaires to the UN, Ambassador James Kariuki, described in no uncertain terms the appalling suffering of the people in Gaza as a result of the Israeli blockade. He referred to children “living amid sewage, parasites, and disease”, “images of newborn babies with rat bites on their faces” and UN reports of “widespread infestations now affecting almost 1.5 million people.” The statement also condemned the taunting of flotilla activists in a recent video posted by Israeli minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and called for an end to escalating settlement expansion and the forced displacement of Palestinians in the unlawfully occupied West Bank.

A similarly stark tone was adopted in a joint statement issued this week by the UK and allies on Israel’s rapidly advancing E1 settlement project, which would sever East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank, making the territorial continuity necessary for a future Palestinian state virtually impossible. The statement could hardly have been clearer on the illegality of the project. “The E1 settlement development would divide the West Bank in two and mark a serious breach of international law,” it warned, adding that businesses “should not bid for construction tenders for E1 or other settlement developments” and should be aware of the “legal and reputational consequences” of participating.

Unfortunately, this strong rhetoric which follows nearly two years of handwringing by Labour Ministers, does not appear to have been matched by any consequential action. Despite its repeated expressions of concern, the UK continues to permit trade with Israel’s illegal settlements, continues to provide military assistance and arms exports to Israel, and remains unwilling to take steps to force a change in Israeli policy.

The warning to businesses over E1 ultimately amounts to little more than handwringing unless now backed by actual consequences for companies that proceed regardless. What is required is a serious package of measures proportionate to the gravity of the situation. That should include sanctions, including fines, for any UK firms that bid for tenders relating to settlement construction in the E1 area or elsewhere in Palestine, as called for by Liberal Democrat Foreign Affairs spokesperson Calum Miller in his recent letter to the Foreign Secretary. As Calum’s letter notes, the government response should also include implementing the Liberal Democrats’ longstanding policy of banning all trade in goods and services with Israel’s settlements.

It is encouraging to see the Liberal Democrats leading on this issue, not only because of the deteriorating situation on the ground, but because there is now a genuine political opening to push the Government to go further. 

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Tom Arms’ World Review

Cuba

A $100 million would go a long way to alleviate the humanitarian crisis caused by the US blockade of Cuba.

The island’s communist government has already made big concessions on the economic front in an attempt to appease the Trump Administration.

It has legalised small and medium-sized private businesses; abolished Cuba’s dual currency; opened more than 2,000 additional occupations to private initiative and allowed exiled Cubans to invest in the island’s economy.

On the political front they have been less forthcoming. Only a handful of political prisoners have been released and there is no sign of the regime introducing freedom of expression or a reform of its judicial system.

There is also the additional problem of who distributes the aid should it be released. Havana says it will handle the distribution through established government channels. Washington says those channels are corrupt and the money must be distributed by the Catholic church.

Finally, there is the question of whether the $100 million carrot is a mere ruse. That the Trump Administration will settle for nothing less than complete regime change; the dismantlement of Cuba’s socialist state and the return to pre-1959 style American domination of the Caribbean island.

To achieve that, Washington may just have to invade the island. They increasingly appear prepared to do just that. The aircraft carrier USS Nimitz has been parked in the Caribbean. The Cuban president, 94-year-old Raul Castro, has been indicted for murder.

And finally, Cuban-American Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said that the military option is more likely than the diplomatic.

Israel

Benjamin Netanyahu has proven himself a tough man. Since the October 7 attacks he has launched wars in Gaza, Lebanon and Iran, to say nothing of the continuing turmoil in the West Bank. Few Israeli leaders have confronted so many enemies on so many fronts.

But toughness alone will not win the forthcoming election. Opinion polls show his approval ratings at between 40 and 47 percent and Likud is trailing a coalition opposition. If Netanyahu is to survive politically, he must prove not only that he can start wars, but that he can end them—and win them.

In Gaza Hamas has been badly damaged but not destroyed. This week the government ordered the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) to increase their occupation from 64 percent of the territory to 70 percent. Yet despite repeated declarations of imminent victory from both Jerusalem and Washington, there remains no clear political settlement and no obvious answer to the question of what happens to Gaza when the fighting finally ends.

The ceasefire in Lebanon is meant to be an integral element in the ceasefire in the Iran War. Yet Israel continues to fire missiles into Lebanon and has moved ground forces into the southern part of the country to create a security zone. Netanyahu says he sees no reason to “take his foot off the pedal.” For many Israelis, a security zone may look like a military necessity. For others, it looks suspiciously like another open-ended commitment.

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What should the Liberal Democrats stand for?

Listening to David Miliband at the Hay Literary Festival a few days ago, two things that he said struck me as interesting.

The first was that the Labour government had been elected to effect change, but they have not changed enough. The second related to the high number of young people who have left school with no education, employment or training opportunity. Where is the triple lock for that cohort, he asked.

Of course, both of these statements are easy soundbites, needing much more policy detail and commitment before any government can make a difference, but if, as is the case, people are disillusioned with Starmer’s administration, and are casting around for an alternative, then why have the Liberal Democrats not stepped into the breach?

Just over a week ago from the time of writing this, Harrogate MP, Tom Gordon, posed the question on Liberal Democrat Voice of what his, and my party, should stand for.

He pulled out three examples from the King’s Speech, where the Lib Dems could adopt a distinctive position. These were a full ban on conversion therapy, with no exceptions, Leasehold Reform and opposition to digital ID.

My purpose is writing this is not to disagree with Tom’s analysis but to seek to extend it to a fuller list of how the Liberal Democrats can promote a radical and bold programme for change that will make people sit up and listen, a broader canvass if you like.

My list is not comprehensive and there will be items that others will want to add or take away from it, but if we are to use the opportunities that present themselves to grow our party then we need a narrative that will capture people’s imagination.

Above all, we need an engaged leadership who are prepared to embrace an agenda for change in a serious and compelling way, without the stunts and gimmicks that have lost us support in the past. 

None of these suggestions are new, it’s just that the party has appeared too timid to fight for them in the past.

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Swansea relaunches – a small story about why young Liberals matter

After a short hiatus, the Swansea University Liberal Democrats are back. The Swansea and Gower local party, working alongside university staff and students, is reviving the society at a moment when both local and national politics need it most.

Student political organising in Wales is not new. The Bangor Debating and Political Society has been running since 1849, and generations of Welsh public life have passed through rooms like it. The Swansea society is a small addition to a long tradition, and a welcome one.

The standard line is that young people have walked away from politics. It is not true. On the issues that matter most to them, such as housing, climate change, and civil liberties, they are more engaged, more informed, and more morally clear than any generation before them. The problem is not apathy; it is our political culture, which locks out far too many young people and refuses to evolve.

This is where student societies matter. They are not a nice extra; they are the most reliable pipeline a political party has for engaging young people. Every councillor, organiser, activist, and candidate I have ever met found their politics in a room not much bigger than a seminar suite. Relaunching our society is not symbolic. It is infrastructure.

That same infrastructure is essential to rebuilding the Welsh Liberal Democrats after the 2026 Senedd election. In Swansea and Gower, we canvassed every day, throwing everything we had into getting Sam Bennett elected. There was not much more we could have done, but an active university society collaborating with us would have helped us secure and grow the youth vote. Re-establishing the society now and giving it the durability to last does two things at once. It gives young people a real voice in the party, and it ensures we never again fight a Senedd election without their organised support.

The proof of what that organising delivers came in May 2026, when Beth Rowe won the Fairwood by-election for the Swansea and Gower Liberal Democrats. The Welsh Liberal Democrats came from fourth place to take the seat from the Conservatives, the product not of luck but of people knocking doors, having conversations, and showing up week after week. That is what a serious local party looks like. A thriving student society would feed more energy straight into that effort, allowing us to replicate that result across Swansea and Gower, Wales, and beyond.

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Observations of an Expat: The Elephant Returns

For several years the Brexit elephant sat quietly in a corner of Westminster, ignored by politicians who hoped it would eventually wander away. Instead, it has stood up, stretched its legs and begun stomping through the corridors of power once again.

“Rejoin,” Brexit was a “catastrophic mistake,” declared wannabe prime minister Wes Streeting.

Not so fast, said other main contender Andy Burnham, he hoped Britain would rejoin “in my lifetime” (Burnham is 56), but feared that any sudden rush to rejoin would further divide an already divided country.

Former PM Tony Blair then entered the fray with his 6,000-word essay. The former staunch Remainer opposed a quick application to return to the European fold. Instead, Britain should concentrate on rebuilding its economy and repairing relations with Brussels.

The Liberal Democrats remain the most pro-European party. But even they are focused more on a gradual progression—a return to the Customs Union by the end of this decade and practical moves towards deeper cooperation and integration.

The Conservatives, Reform and the new far-right party Restore, are simply against anything that smacks of improved relations with Brussels.

But what about the Europeans? They opposed Britain leaving, but they do they want Britain back?

In many respects, Britain is quite a catch for the EU, especially as the Ukraine War  and the rise of China has forced it to focus increasingly on security issues. Britain has Europe’s largest navy with 450,000 tons under the Union Jack. France is just behind but current UK defense plans will put it well ahead by 2040.

Then there is the fact that Britain is a nuclear power. President Emmanuel Macron has talked about extending the French nuclear umbrella to other European countries. Such pledges would be more effective if they included the British deterrent.

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Swansea relaunches: a small story about why Young Liberals matter

Apologies – this post has been removed for further editing by the writer.

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Britain deserves better than a two-party trap

Every election, millions of people in Britain vote knowing their ballot probably will not matter.

If you live in a “safe seat”, your vote can feel irrelevant before you even enter the polling station. If you support a smaller party, you are constantly told you are “wasting” your vote. And if you back the winning party nationally, there is a good chance they will gain enormous power without anything close to majority public support.

This is not healthy democracy. It is managed frustration.

Britain’s First Past the Post voting system was designed for a different era — an era before modern political diversity, before devolved government, and before millions of voters stopped identifying with the old two-party tribes. Yet we still force 21st-century politics through an electoral system that rewards tactical voting over honest voting.

The result is a political culture built around fear instead of representation.

People are told not to vote for what they believe in, but against the outcome they fear most. Labour supporters are told to hold their nose to stop the Conservatives. Conservatives warn voters about Labour chaos. Smaller parties are squeezed out of debates despite representing millions of people nationwide.

And then Westminster wonders why public trust continues to collapse.

Proportional representation would not magically solve every problem in British politics. But it would create something we desperately need: a Parliament that actually reflects the country.

Under proportional systems used across much of Europe, parties win seats roughly in line with the votes they receive. That means cooperation becomes necessary. Consensus matters more. Politicians must persuade rather than dominate.

Critics claim coalition politics creates instability. But what is truly unstable about parties being forced to work together? What is stable about Prime Ministers changing repeatedly without public votes, or landslide majorities won on barely a third of the national vote?

The truth is that First Past the Post does not deliver strong government. It delivers unchecked government.

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Yi-Pei Chou Turvey highlights importance of properly funded childcare tailored to rural communities in first speech

So, another day, another episode of dissolving into tears as a Lib Dem MSP makes their first speech in Holyrood. Yi-Pei Chou Turvey is my friend and I cannot describe how thrilled I am to have her at Holyrood.

Her first speech today, on childcare, is one she currently lives. She has three children and so completely understands the complexities of finding good childcare. She was well placed to pull the SNP down to earth a bit from its self congratulatory parliamentary motion, pointing out that someone who was a baby when they came to power could have their own children now.

She called them out for expecting Councils to do lots of service delivery but not providing sufficient funding, of the impossibility of providing breakfast clubs over a large rural area, of the costs of childcare which often mean that parents – and let’s be real here, that’s most often mothers – cut back work or even leave their jobs completely. Yi-Pei talked about how our plans would help the parents who needed it most to enable them to stay in work which in turn would benefit the economy.

Watch her speech here:

 

The text is below:

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Duncan Dunlop MSP’s first speech: a compelling commitment to improving things for children in care.

Yesterday, our new MSP for the South of Scotland, Duncan Dunlop, made his first speech in the Holyrood Parliament and it had me simultaneously in bits, furious and relieved that vulnerable children in our care system now have a champion they can look to in Parliament to fight their corner.

He was withering in his criticism of the Scottish Government’s flailing reform of the care system. He described a horrible incident experienced by a young man who had just been rejected by his mum.  He read out the first names and children of care-experienced children he had known who had died, and saying he estimated that over 2 million days of life will not be lived by them and other care experienced young people who have died.

His critique includes the failed Promise, which was intended as the benchmark for the care system in Scotland.

Duncan, who is a former youth worker and Chief Executive of Who Cares? Scotland. He told the stories of young people who the state has failed.

Watch here.

The text is below:

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National Conversations we need to have

Nearly a year ago the Strategic Defence Review (SDR) set out its understanding of the transformed international environment this country now faces, and called for the government to lead ‘a national conversation’ on how we should respond.  Yet since then there has been silence from the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, and only muffled warnings about Russian activities from the Defence Secretary – to the intense frustration of Lord Robertson and General Barrons, two of its authors.  Robertson has accused the government of ‘corrosive complacency’ in its passive response.

We desperately need a number of intense national

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Meet the Overtons

Two-thirds of the British public believe that ordinary working people do not get their fair share of the nation’s wealth. That figure has risen ten percentage points since 2019. Trust in government is at record lows. Dissatisfaction with the NHS, with social care, with housing, with the basic functioning of the state, is at or near levels never previously recorded in four decades of the British Social Attitudes survey.

And yet support for more welfare spending has fallen to its lowest point since the survey began. Read those two facts together. The public is not saying the system is fine. It is saying the fixes on offer do not work. People have lost faith not in the idea of fairness but in the instruments that are supposed to deliver it. They are ready for a different argument. They are waiting for someone to say: the economy is a human-made system, and we can remake it.

So where are the Liberal Democrats?

I would like to introduce you to the Overtons. You will know them. They are in every policy working group, every conference fringe, every strategy call. They are the people who hear a proposal for genuine economic reform and say “that’s outside the Overton window” as if they have ended the argument rather than ducked it. They treat the boundaries of current political acceptability as load-bearing walls, when in fact they are furniture, and we are allowed to move them.

The Overtons are not bad people. They think they are being strategic. They think they are protecting the party from looking extreme. But they are reading the room they were in ten years ago. The public has moved. The Overtons have not noticed.

You can see where the energy is going. Reform UK is growing because it tells people the system is broken and someone is to blame. The Greens are growing because they tell people the system is broken and it can be rebuilt. Both of these parties, from opposite directions, are saying something the Liberal Democrats will not say: that the current economic settlement is a choice, not a fact of nature, and different choices are available.

The Overtons will tell you this is dangerous territory. They have three favourite objections. The first is that the economy is too complex to redesign, which is another way of saying we should leave it to the people who designed the current version. The second is that any serious challenge to market orthodoxy is socialism, and socialism does not work, as if the only two options are the status quo and the Soviet Union. 

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From selling donuts to being “chained”, and why this is not about the “Mayoral jewellery” 

Michal Siewnak as mayor of Welyn HatfieldIt was 21 years ago next month, when I landed at Stansted. I remember, as it almost happened yesterday. I didn’t think too much about it. My wife and I had a plan, stay a few months and go back to Croatia, where I had a job waiting for me. We came not for any employment reasons, but initially to visit our friend, who is a Catholic Priest. 

21 years later, we are still here! We packed 26 years of our lives in a rucksack and we tried, like many, to build our lives in the UK. We have never lived anywhere else, always here in a fantastic Welwyn Garden City. We made it our home. We’ve had ups and downs, moments when we doubted whether it was a good decision to stay in the UK. We struggled to enjoy mince pies at the beginning and I am still struggling to accept that many Brits drink tea with milk. Yes, it is drunk with lemon! However, we always tried to do our best; to integrate, but most importantly to contribute in a number of different ways. This hasn’t changed. 

Although I am politically minded, my decision to stand in the Local Elections wasn’t necessarily driven by politics as much. As a keen activist, I was keen to demonstrate that we all have a unique set of skills, often different, but we all have a lot to give. Throughout my years in the UK, but also previously in Poland, Croatia and Italy, I felt a sense of service and desire to, collectively, build bridges not walls, always seek opportunities to make a difference, empower, inspire and motivate others to do the same. We have achieved so much. I also wanted to challenge stereotypes and assumptions. Guess what? I might be Polish but I have no manual skills. 

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Macron combines industrial ambition with strategic state action

Embed from Getty Images

President Macron delivered a landmark speech at France’s Atomic Energy Centre, CEA, in Bruyères-le-Châtel last Friday, building on the technological and commercial objectives France is seeking to achieve, as discussed in my article published last Wednesday, “Time for the UK to Engage with Europe on AI Sovereignty.” In his speech, Mr Macron set out France’s determination to secure sovereignty in computing power, quantum technologies and semiconductors, while also building the capacity to lead the market in these strategic sectors.

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Do Black Lives Matter to the Liberal Democrats?

May 25th marked the sixth anniversary of the murder of George Floyd. His death sparked a global conversation on race that I, like many, hoped would result in serious, systemic change. After the platitudes around black squares, the meaning of taking the knee and the rather depressing debate that followed, it is time for a different debate. What change has actually occurred and how do we as Liberal Democrats play an effective part in delivering systemic and lasting progress?

Rob Blackie and Roderick Lynch powerfully outlined how poor our performance was in inner London in the recent elections and, if we’re honest, in wider metropolitan areas across England, Wales and Scotland. Our cities are the youngest, most diverse and liberal parts of our country. The multicultural, multiracial team in Brent scored our greatest success in London and are now the official opposition. Frankly as a Liberal Democrat Party, we’ve seen years of hard work by urban local parties be submerged by a Green wave powered by a strong national message and an active social media presence.

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Labour’s internal power struggle could cost taxpayers more than £5 million

Taxpayers are facing a bill likely exceeding £5 million as Labour manoeuvres to bring Andy Burnham back into Westminster ahead of a possible leadership challenge to Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer.

According to ITV News Granada, the combined cost of the Greater Manchester Mayoral Election and the forthcoming Makerfield by-election could “reach £5 million”. The report cited official Greater Manchester Combined Authority figures showing the 2024 mayoral election cost £4,719,754, while the Makerfield by-election has an administrative budget of £226,208 before additional freepost and campaign-related public costs are included.

However, that estimate did not include the earlier Gorton and Denton by-election, where Andy Burnham had also sought a route back to Parliament before Labour’s NEC blocked his candidacy.

Government figures previously showed the average cost of running a Westminster by-election was £228,964 as far back as 2016, meaning the real modern-day cost is likely considerably higher once inflation and operational pressures are accounted for.

Using the publicly available figures, the estimated taxpayer cost linked to Labour’s attempts to return Andy Burnham to Westminster is therefore likely to exceed:

  • £4,719,754 for the Greater Manchester mayoral election
  • £226,208 for the Makerfield by-election administration
  • approximately £228,964 or more for the earlier Gorton and Denton by-election

This produces a combined estimated total of at least £5.17 million, before accounting for inflation-adjusted by-election costs, Royal Mail freepost entitlements for candidates, staffing overtime, policing, venue hire, and associated election administration costs.

Surely, at a time when families are struggling with rising bills, councils remain under financial pressure, and public services are stretched, taxpayers should not be expected to foot a multi-million-pound bill to make up for Labour’s poor internal succession planning.

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Written Out: Trans people, the British press, and a debate conducted in their absence

Between January 2020 and April 2025, four major British newspapers published 17,000 articles about trans people. That’s an average of nine a day, every day, for five years. A rate, Amnesty International UK notes in its new report, entirely disproportionate to the size of the trans population, which represents around 0.5% of people in England and Wales.

To understand who was shaping the coverage, Amnesty’s researchers tracked which names appeared with enough consistency and regularity to be considered significant presences in the reporting. Not every passing mention, but sustained, repeated prominence across the five years. Of all the individuals who met that threshold, only two were British trans people. One was Brianna Ghey, a sixteen-year-old murdered in a park by two teenagers. The other was Isla Bryson, a trans woman convicted of sexual violence. JK Rowling, by contrast, appears more than four times as often as both of them combined.

That asymmetry tells you almost everything you need to know about how this debate has been constructed, and why it is a democracy problem as much as a trans rights problem.

The findings come from a systematic statistical analysis of how four major outlets, The Guardian, The Sun, The Telegraph, and The Times and Sunday Times, reported on trans people between 2020 and 2025, which identified patterns across thousands of articles.

Coverage was disproportionate to public interest: ahead of the 2024 general election, trans rights didn’t feature in voters’ top 16 concerns, yet gender and sexuality were the most-covered culture war topics in the four weeks before polling day. Coverage was disproportionately negative in sentiment. Successive prime ministers, opposition leaders, and the longest-serving Scottish first minister appear consistently as the named subjects of reporting, confirming that “trans issues” have been elevated to a political priority by the press even where no equivalent public demand exists.

The analysis of which named individuals appear frequently enough in the coverage to be statistically significant is where the picture becomes sharpest. Trans people appear in reporting about their own lives almost exclusively as victim or perpetrator. The frame is set by politicians, campaigners, and a novelist. The people most affected by decisions on legal gender recognition, healthcare access, and single-sex spaces are, as Amnesty puts it, virtually invisible. That absence is not just a media ethics problem, though it is that. It is a structural condition that makes it easier to do things to people than it would be if those people were present in the conversation.

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Tom Arms’ World Review

The Thucydides Trap

There has been much talk recently about the “Thucydides Trap”.  China’s President Xi Jinping is reported to have warned Donald Trump during his recent trip to Beijing that China and America were heading straight for the “Thucydides Trap.”

So what is it? It is a term coined by the diplomatic historian Graham Alison in his book “Destined for War.” Allison uses Thucydides’ history of the disastrous Peloponnesian War between Sparta (the established power) and Athens (the rising power) to argue that when one power becomes to challenge the hegemony of an existing power then war is inevitable.

It is not quite. In the 1920s the American military was drawing up plans for a war against Britain. The plan was called War Red. The plan involved a major land invasion across the border into Canada and a naval attack on British colonies in the Caribbean.

Britain had a counter-attack plan, but its plan was not as comprehensive. Fairly early on it realised that its war-ravaged economy could not win a war against the rising American industrial giant. There were other important factors. These included the two countries’ shared experience of World War I. There was also the fact that a 300-year-old shared cultural experience and perspective outweighed the competitive aspects of the relationship. The British increasingly saw themselves as the Greeks to America’s Rome, as Harold Macmillan later put it.

“War Plan Red was one of the rare cases where strategic rivalry did not culminate in war. Alison gives 12 examples of how countries became victims of the Thucydides Trap. They include the Crusades, the Franco-Prussian War, World War One and World War Two. War Red is listed—along with three others—as the exceptions that prove the rule.

Cultural links ensured that War Red did not become a disastrous reality. But China and America lack the deep cultural, linguistic and historical ties that softened the transfer of power from Britain to the United States.

Ebola

Ebola is a terrible disease. It attacks your internal organs. You bleed from the inside out. Death is painful and quick.

In much of Africa it is customary to wash the bodies of corpses before burial. The practice can be fatal as the disease is spread through contact with infected bodily fluids. They remain contagious long after death.

In the last outbreak, 2014-2016, 11,300 people died. The epidemic was contained to West Africa because Britain and America flooded the region with health workers and soldiers. The UK committed more than $500 million to fight the epidemic. America sent 3,000 people to fight the disease.

It worked. The doctors and nurses won. Not only that but systems were put in place to effectively detect and fight any further outbreaks. Then came Trump in America and Boris Johnson in Britain. Aid budgets were slashed.  Three thousand staff were cut from America’s Centre for Disease Control. The biggest axe fell on the departments involved in fighting overseas epidemics. The situation was almost as bad in Britain.

The epidemic fighting network that was established a decade ago was badly weakened. Especially hard hit were the surveillance systems which are designed to detect the first signs of the disease, contain it and treat it. Britain has so far committed only $30 million to fighting the latest outbreak. America has made promises but little has materialised. Oxfam says that coordination meetings now produce “blank stares” when money is requested.

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Reform UK’s Council chaos: Why protest politics isn’t enough to run local services

Local government is about competence, stability and delivering reliable public services — not simply making headlines or winning protest votes. That is why the growing instability surrounding Reform UK councillors should concern voters across England.

Reform UK’s breakthrough in the May 2025 local elections was undeniably dramatic. According to the House of Commons Library, the party won 677 council seats, 41% of all seats contested, and took control of ten councils.

But what has happened since raises serious questions about whether Reform was prepared for the responsibilities of local government.

Liberal Democrats Political analyst, Lord Mark Pack, documented that by April 2026, Reform had already lost 27 councillors elected in 2025 through suspensions, expulsions, resignations, defections or criminal proceedings. That amounts to roughly 4% of the councillors the party had won just 12 months earlier.

The cases included councillors suspended over racist comments, criminal convictions, harassment allegations and individuals abandoning the party altogether.

The instability has continued again after the May 2026 elections. Further newly elected Reform councillors were quickly suspended or condemned over allegations involving racist and extremist content, including Holocaust denial and Islamophobic social media posts.

The issue is not simply the number of councillors lost. It is the speed with which serious controversies keep emerging.

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The modern “No Blacks, no Dogs, no Irish”

I, like many in the LGBT+ community am scared right now. I cried yesterday and today about the uncertainty of my future and my friends’ futures.

If you are cis or trans it doesn’t really matter, it’s clear that the guidance from the EHRC is ultimately unenforceable, however it doesn’t need to be enforced to make life uncomfortable for many people. You see, this doesn’t just make public life hostile to trans women, it erodes all women’s rights; trans and cis women alike. If we are not “performing womanhood” to someone else’s satisfaction, you can now be called trans – as if that makes you less than – and asked to leave a space.

And how would one prove they are trans or cis?  A trans person can have all the same external anatomy, legal documentation and appearance as a cis woman, and that is without even considering cis women with PCOS, countless other conditions, or even as was the case with my Mum; she was just a little on the “butcher” side of feminine preferring shorter hair, jeans and a top with no makeup for much of her life, despite being a cis-heterosexual woman she would have also felt at “risk” from this guidance.

Writing about my mum I would like to share a relevant memory I have of her, from when I was much younger; a time where in my home town of Crewe, my Mum – originally from Dublin – played darts for Cheshire Ladies and at a local club level as well.

She was playing at a nearby pub that week, as we walked into the pub with her team the barman told her that we would have to sit in the garden for the night; under an umbrella in the pouring rain, pointing at a sign. “No Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish”.  My Mum thinking of me told the barman that I was English, born at the nearby Leighton Hospital, it was only her that was Irish, my Dad is English, she wouldn’t cause trouble; just let me in and I could sit with him, the barman pointed again at the sign, “No Dogs means you can take your little mongrel outside as well”.  This isn’t my only memory of my family being treated like that but it is one that burnt into my brain at a young age, because in the end it doesn’t matter if you fall into the category bigots try to exclude; it just matters if they think you are less than them – I’ve been less than them in their eyes my entire life.

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Liberator 435 is out

Liberator 435 is out and can be downloaded free here: https://liberatormagazine.org.uk/ where you can also sign up to be emailed when each new issue of Liberator comes out.

This time in addition to Commentary, Radical Bulletin and Lord Bonkers’ Diary, Liberator looks at why concern at the May election results is echoing from every corner of the party despite these being spun as progress.

In this issue:

HOLLOWED OUT AND IN A HOLE

James Graham says the Liberal Democrats are losing touch with all but a narrow slice of the electorate and should reconnect with the rest of the country

A PARTY WITHOUT A MESSAGE

The Lib Dem message became increasingly confused in the 7 May elections in England beyond London, says Chris White

WILL SCOTLAND WANT TO SPLIT OFF?

There was Lib Dem progress in Scotland, but how did the party lose Shetland after 75 years? Nigel Lindsay explains

WALES BACKS AWAY FROM A PRECIPICE

Peter Black explains how the Welsh Liberal Democrats clung on amid Plaid Cymru and Reform victories, but had to keep Ed Davey hidden

LONDON INCHES AHEAD

A Green surge limited Lib Dem progress in the capital. Rob Blackie wonders if the party has an answer

WHY IM WORKING WITH COMPASS

Roz Savage MP hopes a Compass event will help change how politics is done

WHERE LOCAL ELECTIONS REALLY MATTER

France’s municipal elections directly shape national politics and show a fragmented landscape before the presidential race. Marianne Magnin explains

WATERLOO COMES TO THE WHITE HOUSE

Corruption, hubris, the Epstein files and Iran war are all signs that Donald Trump may lose Congress this year, says Martha Elliott

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Observations of an expat: Dangerous diplomatic chess

In the wake of his Beijing sojourn, Donald Trump is embarking on a dangerous and complex game of diplomatic chess with Taiwan as the piece most likely to be sacrificed for the greater American good.

While in China, Trump became convinced what the rest of the world has known for some time. China cannot be bullied. Threats of escalating tariffs and civilisational extinction just roll off the Chinese political back. They have been around a long time and have seen it all.

Next, China is as much of a superpower as the United States. And, if he is going to avoid an Armageddon-like nuclear war, he has to learn to live on the same planet with Beijing instead of baiting and containing it.

Finally, the American president is almost certainly convinced that Xi Jinping is sincere when he says that China wants Taiwan and any American attempt to block a Chinese takeover could easily lead to a Sino-American “clashes and even conflict.”

The three-way dilemma of China-US-Taiwan dates back to before President Nixon’s historic visit to China. It has been resolved with the famous “strategic ambiguity” which was designed to deter war by making the Chinese uncertain about US intervention.

Trump doesn’t do ambiguity. He does transactions. The Taiwan issue presents him with an opportunity to use his much-hyped negotiating skills to pull off one of the great transactions of all time. A tempting prospect which ego would find difficult to resist.

But with whom and how?

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Marching for Palestinian rights – and our own

When 88-year-old Holocaust survivor Stephen Kapos addressed last Saturday’s London peace rally for Palestine he confronted some upside-down thinking, and turned it the right way up.

“These are NOT hate marches”, he said, “Quite the opposite! These are NOT no-go areas for Jews…Quite the opposite! A majority of Jews of the world do NOT support Israeli policy…Quite the opposite!”

A good number of Lib Dems attend these Palestine marches each month. We all know the misconceptions spread by journalists and politicians. Few have attended a march, yet they’re happy to label them extremist, pro-Hamas, hate-led, and often predict arrests.

This is tosh. Stephen Kapos is right. These family-friendly, hope-filled events bring together people of goodwill from every race, belief and background, the largest single group being the Jewish contingent. Relations with the police are friendly. I personally haven’t heard racist words or hostility. We are there to protest against genocide and apartheid. To stop arms sales to Israel and find solutions for peace. There is a strong sense of a shared humanity. Is this is considered hate marching? Were the 1980s demos against South African apartheid hate marches? Is it really so radical to show compassion for a suffering people badly let down by the British for more than a century?

The Palestine protest last Saturday (16th May) was probably the most controversial under this Labour government, and it’s worth examining why. Because it was crystal clear that the smearing was coming from – or being supported by – the Prime Minister and the head of London’s Metropolitan Police. In a city proud of its protest rights and traditions this was quite a shocker.

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The amended EHRC code is an attack on trans rights. Lib Dems should be at the forefront of challenging it.

The amended Equality and Human Rights Commission Code of Practice on services, public functions, and associations was laid before Parliament yesterday. It will become law in 40 days unless Parliament acts. That window matters, and Liberal Democrats should be using it.

I have read the code carefully. The headline is this: it does not just reflect the Supreme Court’s ruling in For Women Scotland v The Scottish Ministers. It goes further, resolving almost every area of discretion against trans people and in favour of those who want to exclude them. It makes inclusion legally risky and exclusion legally safe. That is not what the law required. It is a choice the Commission made.

The Supreme Court ruled that “sex” means biological sex for the purposes of the Equality Act 2010. That ruling set certain parameters. It did not dictate how the Commission should weight trans people’s interests in the proportionality framework, how broadly to define legitimate grounds for exclusion, or how much guidance to give service providers on how to include rather than exclude. Those were judgment calls.

The most significant of them is in paragraph 13.131, which states that a service provided to “women and trans women” could amount to unlawful sex discrimination against women. An organisation that has made a principled, considered decision to include trans women in its women’s spaces now faces potential legal liability for doing so. Inclusion has been turned into a risk. The same logic applies in reverse to trans men: a man’s service that includes trans men is equally exposed. In both directions, the code makes the inclusive choice the dangerous one.

The proportionality framework for single-sex services sounds balanced in principle. Service providers weigh the benefits of a single-sex service against the harm of excluding trans people. But the legitimate aims available for exclusion include preventing “discomfort or distress” in other users, assessed by reference to whether those users “could reasonably object” to someone who “appears to be of the opposite sex.” The threshold is not harm, not complaint, not evidence. It is hypothetical discomfort, assessed by the service provider.

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Andy Burnham’s mixed record: Why Greater Manchester deserves better

The argument for standing aside in Makerfield sounds “strategic”, but from a Liberal Democrat perspective it is strategically short-sighted, democratically unhealthy, and misunderstands how Reform is defeated.

Political parties exist to represent voters, not simply to game outcomes between larger parties. If Liberal Democrats believe in liberal values, civil liberties, internationalism and local democracy, then voters everywhere deserve the opportunity to vote for those values. Writing off entire areas risks accelerating decline, not preventing it.

The claim that standing and polling poorly makes the party “look inept” ignores Liberal Democrat history. The party’s biggest advances often began from tiny bases through years of consistent local campaigning. Community politics only works if voters repeatedly see Liberal Democrats showing up and fighting elections — not disappearing whenever things look difficult.

More importantly, conceding territory to Labour in the name of “stopping Reform” misunderstands why Reform is growing. Reform’s rise is driven by disillusionment with Westminster, economic insecurity and distrust of the political establishment. Simply asking voters to unite behind Labour does not address any of those causes.

There is also little evidence that parties standing aside reliably stops Reform. Tactical voting works best when voters make informed decisions locally, not when party machines remove democratic choices altogether. Research after the 2026 local elections found anti-Reform tactical coordination was inconsistent because politics is no longer a simple two-party contest.

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Liberalism in the age of AI: building an economy that liberates people

For most of the modern political era, economic debate has revolved around one central question: how do we create more jobs?

But what happens when technology begins reducing the need for human labour just as our population is ageing and demand for care, health and support is rising sharply?

Artificial intelligence is already reshaping parts of the economy at extraordinary speed. Entry-level legal work, coding, administration, customer service and research are all changing before our eyes. At the same time, Britain is growing older. More people are living longer, often with complex health or care needs, while birth rates fall and traditional career structures become less stable.

Some see this future and respond with fear. Others retreat into nostalgia, promising a return to a world that no longer exists – if indeed it ever did.

Liberals should do neither.

This moment demands something far more ambitious: a redesign of the economy around human flourishing. Because the real question is not simply how many jobs exist. It is whether people are able to develop their potential, contribute meaningfully, live with dignity and freedom, and participate fully in society throughout their lives. That, surely, is what Liberalism has always been about.

Liberalism at its best is not an ideology of atomised individuals competing endlessly in a market. It is a philosophy of human liberation. It asks how we remove barriers that prevent people from becoming who they are capable of becoming.

That means equality of opportunity. It means lifelong learning. It means decentralisation of power. It means freedom from poverty, insecurity and ill-health. And it means recognising that worthwhile work matters not only because it pays the bills, but because contribution, purpose and dignity are fundamental human needs.

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What has happened?

In an Essex district, three excellent candidates stood for election to the county council. Two were experienced councillors, one Labour, one Conservative, well-known, well-liked, well-dug-in to their communities and having done plenty for those communities. One was a Liberal Democrat challenger in a division where the sitting Conservative was standing down. This candidate too was highly popular, a district councillor who had accomplished much.

All three lost to Reform. The Reform candidates were unknowns. Their party did not think fit to tell the voters anything about them. They did little locally. Whereas those three losing candidates all ran campaigns highlighting genuine local issues, Reform’s nationally-posted literature had nothing local to say except that the county council’s finances were in a mess; and I would bet that with the slightest of adjustments, they could have deleted “Essex”, inserted “West Sussex” – and probably did.

All three non-Reform candidates were satisfied to highly encouraged by their canvassing and by informal reactions. To experienced campaigners, it looked good.

It wasn’t. Why the mismatch?

At the same time, in a Labour-dominated London Borough, where the then Liberal Party (including myself) broke through in 1982, but Labour later re-established their dominance, the Greens make a spectacular breakthrough. Both the wards where we broke through in 1982 went Green.

What is happening?

Undoubtedly, the two-party system is breaking – no, broken. The causes of decline in the Conservatives and Labour are several and not all inevitable – for example, the Conservatives’ lemming-rush since 2015 to populist intolerance to the point of idiocy; and Labour’s choice of a leader peculiarly incapable of passion or vision. What of the Liberal Democrats?

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Tom Gordon MP writes…What should the Liberal Democrats stand for?

The public are very well acquainted with what the Liberal Democrats are against – Brexit, Donald Trump, the sewage scandal, and more.

But in this new, fragmented and up-for-grabs political landscape, we must ask ourselves: what do we stand for?

Last week’s King’s Speech outlined a raft of new Bills likely to be brought forward in this parliamentary session, and it presents us with the chance to show what bold, modern liberalism looks like in practice.

Not ‘eco-populism’. Not the politics of fear, hate or division. But a confident liberalism rooted in freedom, fairness, dignity, and the belief that people should be able to live their lives free from discrimination and unnecessary state intrusion.

There are several areas where that opportunity is staring us in the face.

First, conversion therapy

I believe this is now the fourth time a monarch has read out a government’s plans to bring forward a ban on conversion therapy. By now, many LGBT+ people, including myself, will understandably wonder whether such a ban will ever be delivered at all. Delay after delay, and repeated attempts to carve out exemptions from any such legislation, have stymied and frustrated governments of differing political persuasions.

If legislation does finally come forward, Liberal Democrats must be absolutely clear: a ban is only worth the paper it is written on if it is fully trans inclusive. A partial ban that excludes trans people would not only be morally wrong, it would undermine the very principle behind the legislation itself. And there should be no opt-out for religious institutions.

I am confident that I and my colleagues in the Commons and Lords will approach this boldly true to our liberal values. The country is often less divided on these questions than the world of social media would have us believe. Most people understand a simple principle: nobody should be subjected to coercive practices designed to deny who they are.

That is not a fringe position. It is a liberal one.

Second, leasehold reform

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Liberal Democrats should be the first choice for women

The recent local elections should have been a moment for honest reflection within the Liberal Democrats. Instead, much of the response has felt overwhelmingly positive, almost detached from the frustrations expressed by many hardworking candidates and activists, particularly in urban areas where our results were deeply disappointing.

Optimism has its place in politics, but if we continue to avoid difficult conversations, we risk ignoring the deeper issues steadily weakening our party from within.

As Chair of Lib Dem Women, Vice Chair Campaign for Gender Balance, and former Council Group Leader and Leader of the Opposition in Lambeth, I believe one issue can no longer be ignored: the Liberal Democrats’ continued failure to properly represent, attract and retain women.

For as long as I have been a Liberal Democrat activist, one question has consistently followed us, both internally and on the doorstep: what do the Liberal Democrats actually stand for?

Many of us have defended the party passionately over the years, pointing to our liberal values, commitment to equality and strong policy platform. Yet despite all of this, the question never truly goes away.

For too long, we have relied on a narrow understanding of campaigning success: leaflets, door knocking and data. Of course these things matter, but they are not enough on their own. Recent elections have exposed that reality clearly.

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Fixing the long-term pensions crisis requires embracing flexibility

When I began my working life, my parents gave me the sage words of advice “never opt out of your pension” and warned that I would be setting myself up to fail long term. They are of course, absolutely correct.

However, what my parents, and potentially millions of people may not realise is that whilst I have rigidly followed their advice, there will be innumerable people who either didn’t receive that advice or find themselves in a cost-of-living crisis facing the difficult choice between their bills and their long-term financial security.

Pension planning is admittedly not a subject that sets pulses racing, …

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We will not be bullied: standing against hate after the San Diego mosque attack

Embed from Getty ImagesI have always stood against hate. I am, at heart, a classical liberal: live and let live. People should be free to worship, to love, to work and to raise their families without fear. That should not be a controversial idea. And yet here we are, watching politics poison the most basic human decency, watching frightened populations be told again and again that their problems are caused by their neighbours rather than by the governments and broken systems that have failed them.

On Monday, two …

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