Author Archives: Mo Waqas

Mo Waqas

We will not be bullied: standing against hate after the San Diego mosque attack

By Mo Waqas | Tue 19th May 2026 - 6:05 pm

Embed from Getty ImagesI have always stood against hate. I am, at heart, a classical liberal: live and let live. People should be free to worship, to love, to work and to raise their families without fear. That should not be a controversial idea. And yet here we are, watching politics poison the most basic human decency, watching frightened populations be told again and again that their problems are caused by their neighbours rather than by the governments and broken systems that have failed them.

On Monday, two …

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Mo Waqas

The Falklands are under threat again and we can’t rely on America to save us

By Mo Waqas | Sun 26th April 2026 - 8:30 am

I’ll be honest. When I first started researching hypersonic missiles and the Falkland Islands, it felt like a subject more suited to a defence think-tank than a Lib Dem blog. But the events of the past 48 hours have changed my mind and I think they should change yours too.

Argentine President Javier Milei has declared that he is doing “everything humanly possible” to return the Falklands to Argentine hands. That alone would be manageable. What is far more alarming is the backdrop: a leaked Pentagon memo has proposed withdrawing American diplomatic support for British sovereignty over the islands as punishment, apparently, for Britain’s refusal to participate in US strikes against Iran. In a single week, the two pillars Britain has traditionally leaned on: the Special Relationship and Argentine diplomatic restraint have both wobbled badly.

As Liberal Democrats, we believe in the rule of law, self-determination, and the rights of people to choose their own future. In 2013, 99.8% of Falkland Islanders voted to remain British. That democratic mandate is beyond question. Our obligation to defend those 3,200 people is not optional, it is constitutional and moral. But right now, I am not convinced we have the tools to do it quickly enough.

Here is the uncomfortable truth about our current Falklands garrison. RAF Mount Pleasant hosts between 1,000 and 2,000 personnel, just four Typhoon fighters, Sky Sabre air defence batteries, and a single patrol vessel. It is a holding force brave and professional, but not one designed to resist a determined modern assault alone. In 1982, Argentina invaded partly because a token garrison and the rumoured withdrawal of HMS Endurance convinced Buenos Aires that Britain wouldn’t or couldn’t respond. We must never allow that miscalculation again.

The problem is geography and time. A carrier strike group sailing from Portsmouth takes approximately 15 days to reach the South Atlantic, travelling around 500 miles a day. In those 15 days, our small garrison is essentially on its own. That is the window any adversary would exploit.

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Mo Waqas

Trump has shown us who he is. It’s time Britain started acting like it.

By Mo Waqas | Thu 2nd April 2026 - 12:35 pm

Let me be blunt. Donald Trump wants to pull America out of NATO. And my honest reaction? Let him.

I’m not saying it doesn’t matter. I’m saying we need to stop acting like heartbroken teenagers waiting for Washington to text back. The special relationship is dead. It’s been dead for a while. Trump just had the decency to say it out loud.

So what now? We do what Britain has always done when its back is against the wall. We get serious. We get moving. And we stop relying on people who have made it crystal clear they don’t care whether we sink or swim.

Britain needs to re-industrialise, and I mean urgently not as some vague manifesto pledge buried on page forty-seven, but as a national mission. We need to open arms factories. We need to build capacity to manufacture what we need to defend ourselves and our allies, on our own soil, with our own workers. If we cannot produce the steel, the ships, the ammunition, and the technology to keep this country safe, then we are not a sovereign nation. We are a theme park with a nuclear deterrent.

And yes, I said steel. We need a nationalised steel sector. I know that makes some in our party uncomfortable. Good. Comfort is what got us here. Thirty years of comfortable orthodoxy, comfortable assumptions about the end of history, comfortable faith that the Americans would always be there and the markets would always provide. The peace dividend has been spent. Every last penny. It’s time to invest again, and if the private sector won’t do it, then the state must.

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Mo Waqas

Rebuilding Britain’s defences

By Mo Waqas | Mon 9th March 2026 - 9:25 am

Britain cannot rely solely on others for its defence. Recent events in the Middle East have shown how quickly the world can spiral into conflict. When powers such as the United States, Israel and Iran exchange military strikes and deploy significant force, it reminds us that global stability can never be taken for granted. If Britain wants security, resilience and prosperity, we must rebuild our industrial strength particularly in the North of England and Scotland while maintaining close cooperation with our European partners.

Watching the escalation in the Middle East has been deeply unsettling. The region has seen missile strikes, drone warfare and major military mobilisation. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, global military spending reached $2.4 trillion in 2023, the highest level ever recorded. In an increasingly volatile world, it is worth asking a difficult question: if a major global conflict were to erupt, how prepared would Britain actually be?

The answer is uncomfortable.

For decades Britain has allowed its industrial base to decline. In the 1970s, manufacturing accounted for around a quarter of the UK economy. Today it represents roughly 9–10% of GDP. Entire regions that once powered the British economy have been hollowed out. Towns such as Middlesbrough, Hartlepool, Bolton, Burnley and Huddersfield were once major centres of British industry from steel and shipbuilding to textiles and heavy engineering.

Today many of these communities face fewer industrial jobs and slower economic growth than the national average.

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Mo Waqas

Drugs, Crime and Common Sense

By Mo Waqas | Thu 26th February 2026 - 1:54 pm

For four years I worked in His Majesty’s Prison Service. Most of my time was spent with two groups: vulnerable prisoners, often those convicted of sexual offences who couldn’t safely be located on normal wings, and men struggling with addiction. What I learned there shaped my view on drugs more than any political argument ever could.

The truth is uncomfortable. If you are born with a tough set of circumstances, poverty, unstable housing, parents battling substance misuse, you are statistically far more likely to face those same issues yourself. The data backs this up. Around 46% of people in prison report having used drugs in the month before custody. Nearly two-thirds report regular alcohol use before entering prison. A significant proportion have experienced childhood trauma, been in care, or grown up in chaotic households. This isn’t coincidence. It’s a pipeline.

County lines has made it worse. The National Crime Agency estimates that thousands of children are exploited each year in drug distribution networks. These are not criminal masterminds. Many are 14, 15, 16-year-olds groomed by older gang members, often threatened or coerced. Research shows that some county lines “runners” earn less than minimum wage once debts and exploitation are factored in. Yet they risk prison or death.

I remember one young man vividly. He was 18 years old. No stable family. No strong guidance. He had been on remand in the adult prison where I worked. I asked him how his court case had gone. He told me quietly: “I got life.” He had stabbed someone over a bicycle — a situation rooted in drug-related conflict. Two young lives destroyed. Two families shattered. And the state left to deal with the aftermath for decades.

We cannot police our way out of this.

The UK spends billions each year on drug enforcement, policing, courts and imprisonment. Yet drug-related deaths in England and Wales are at record levels, over 4,900 in the most recent annual figures. That is the highest rate since records began. Meanwhile, our prisons are overcrowded, and reoffending rates remain stubbornly high — around 25% overall, and much higher for short sentences.

Other countries have tried something different. Portugal decriminalised personal possession of all drugs in 2001. Drug use did not explode. Instead, drug-related deaths and HIV transmission fell sharply. The European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction reports that Portugal’s drug mortality rate remains significantly below the European average. Crucially, drug use became a public health issue rather than purely a criminal one.

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Mo Waqas

This is how wars start

By Mo Waqas | Mon 23rd February 2026 - 9:55 am

I’ve watched the images of two American aircraft carriers moving toward the Middle East and I don’t feel reassured.

I feel uneasy.

Let me say something clearly before anyone tries to misrepresent this: I despise the Iranian regime. I despise what it does to its own people. I despise its repression of women, its crushing of dissent, its morality police, its execution of protesters, its export of proxy militias, and its cynical use of religion to entrench power. The Iranian people deserve better than the system that rules them.

But despising a regime does not mean losing the ability to think strategically.

The USS Abraham Lincoln is already operating in the Arabian Sea. The USS Gerald R. Ford, the most advanced aircraft carrier ever built, has been ordered into the region. These are 100,000-ton warships, roughly 1,100 feet long, carrying more than 4,500 people each. Floating cities. Human beings. Sailors with families.

They are symbols of American power. Symbols can become targets.

Iran is not Iraq in 2003. It is not Libya. It is not Syria. This is a regime that survived eight years of total war against Saddam Hussein. During the Iran–Iraq War, hundreds of thousands died. Cities burned. Chemical weapons were used. And still, the state endured.

For 47 years, the Islamic Republic has prepared for confrontation with the United States. That is not hyperbole it is embedded in its military doctrine and national identity.

Now place two aircraft carriers within reach of its missile forces, near the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway barely 33 kilometres wide at its narrowest point. One of the most militarised chokepoints on earth.

Iran possesses medium-range ballistic missiles such as the Shahab-3, with a range of roughly 1,300 kilometres. It fields the Khorramshahr, assessed at up to around 2,000 kilometres. It has unveiled the Fattah-1, described by Tehran as hypersonic, with a claimed range of about 1,400 kilometres. It deploys anti-ship cruise missiles. It manufactures Shahed-136 drones designed for saturation attacks,launched in waves, intended to overwhelm.

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Mo Waqas

British, northern, not leaving

By Mo Waqas | Wed 18th February 2026 - 8:15 am

Last week, Rupert Lowe launched his new “Restore” party. Restore what, exactly? Strip away the branding and the flag-waving and what you’re left with isn’t renewal. It’s resentment. It’s grievance politics dressed up as patriotism.

To me, it looks like a diet BNP the same division, repackaged for the social media age.

And I’m tired of pretending it isn’t dangerous.

Circling this movement are voices openly advocating “re-migration” the idea that British citizens like me should be sent “back” somewhere else. Steve Laws has pushed exactly that kind of rhetoric. According to this worldview, my place in this country is conditional.

I was raised in Bolton, making me a Boltonian

My accent is Northern. My upbringing was working-class. I grew up around graft, shift work, tight budgets and pride in standing on your own two feet. I support England in the football. I complain about the weather. I queue properly.

But because I am brown and Muslim, there are people who believe I don’t quite belong.

That should alarm anyone who believes in equal citizenship.

Alongside “Restore” sits the so-called “Advance” party. Advance where? Because this feels like reverse gear. Even Ben Habib, who aligns himself with this hyper-nationalist energy would, by the cold logic of “re-migration,” eventually find himself on the wrong side of the same purity tests. Ethno-nationalism does not stop at one target. It keeps narrowing the circle.

History has shown us that, again and again.

I am Northern. I am working-class. I am British-Pakistani. I am Muslim. Apparently that makes me suspect in certain political circles. What angers me most is that these movements claim to speak for the working class.

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Mo Waqas

When the world’s policeman goes rogue

By Mo Waqas | Sun 4th January 2026 - 6:55 am

I was delivering care early one morning when the radio cut through the routine. The BBC was reporting that Donald Trump had authorised direct military action in Venezuela, framing it as a decisive move to remove the tyrant Nicolás Maduro from power.

I won’t pretend to shed tears for Maduro. He has spent years hollowing out democracy, crushing opposition, and driving millions of Venezuelans into poverty and exile. But geopolitics isn’t a boxing ring where the loudest punch wins. It’s more like a line of dominoes: once the first falls, you don’t get to choose how the rest collapse.

When the world’s hegemon decides it can cross borders using “security threats” as justification, it lowers the bar for everyone else. If Washington can point to Venezuelan cartels near its borders, what stops Beijing pointing to “anti-CCP agitation” in Taiwan? What stops Moscow, again, from insisting Ukraine is merely a defensive necessity?

This is how small justifications become big wars. History is littered with leaders who said, “Just this once.”

Trump presents himself as a peacemaker. He boasts of being the “peace president”, even claiming credit for preventing nuclear war between India and Pakistan. But that reveals a shallow understanding of reality. India and Pakistan have been nuclear powers since the late 1990s. They endured an eight-month military standoff in 2002, the Mumbai attacks in 2008, and repeated border crises since none escalated to nuclear war because both sides understand what mutual annihilation actually means. Nuclear deterrence is not Trump’s personal achievement; it’s grim arithmetic.

And the optics matter, because Trump is not governing from a position of strength. His approval rating sits in the low-to-mid 40% range, with disapproval consistently higher. When domestic legitimacy weakens, foreign “strength” often becomes political theatre the strongman equivalent of waving a flag to distract from cracks at home.

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Mo Waqas

Our care workers deserve better than a 15–20 year wait to belong

By Mo Waqas | Fri 21st November 2025 - 11:04 am

I write this not only as a Liberal Democrat, but as a frontline care provider responsible for multiple members of staff across Stockton and Hartlepool. Among them are seven remarkable care assistants from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Pakistan. They came here legally, at Britain’s request, to fill the gaping holes in our NHS and social care system. Today, they keep the elderly and vulnerable safe, fed, clean, and dignified.

They are the reason thousands of families sleep at night knowing their loved ones are cared for.

And now, the Government is telling them they must wait 15 years, or even 20,  before they are allowed to call Britain home.

The human price behind the policy

Let me tell you what this looks like in real life.

One of my care assistants from Zimbabwe works six days a week. She sends money home to her children because she cannot afford to bring them here yet. When she heard the new rules, she asked quietly, “Will I still be waiting when they are grown?” She will be 57 by the time she reaches settlement under the 20-year rule.

A Nigerian carer on my team works double shifts. She has held the hands of dementia patients through the night, comforted people in their final hours, and supported families who were breaking under pressure. Her client told me recently, “She is like a daughter to me.” Yet the country she serves now says: You are welcome to care for our elderly, but not welcome to belong for two decades.

A young woman from Pakistan, who works nights and studies during the day, looked completely defeated when she realised she will spend her entire youth waiting for settlement. “Fifteen years… I’ll be in my forties by then,” she said. “I just wanted a stable life.”

These are not isolated stories. There are thousands like them across the UK.

A policy that punishes the very workers Britain relies on

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When barbarism knocks on your door: why the Taliban must be confronted, not tolerated

By Mo Waqas | Thu 16th October 2025 - 8:55 am

I can’t watch what’s happening on the Pakistan–Afghanistan border without feeling both anger and heartbreak. Anger at the Taliban a barbaric force that has dragged an entire nation back to the Middle Ages and heartbreak for the innocent people who will pay the price of yet another war they didn’t start.

It’s 2025, yet in Afghanistan, women are being treated worse than cattle. The Taliban’s idea of governance is to lock women indoors and call it “virtue.” They’ve banned girls from secondary school and university, stopped women from working, and ordered that no woman can travel without a male guardian. In July this year, dozens of young women were arrested in Kabul for wearing colourful clothes. Their so-called “vice police” humiliate and beat them for what they wear. The United Nations calls this gender apartheid and it’s hard to argue with that.

Nearly eight out of ten young Afghan women are excluded from education, jobs, or training. Hospitals are turning away female patients who come alone. Pregnant women die because they’re not allowed to travel without a man.

And now this tyranny is spilling over into Pakistan. In October 2025, heavy fighting broke out along the frontier in Kurram and Chaman. Pakistan says 23 of its soldiers were killed when Taliban-linked fighters attacked border posts. The Taliban claim they’ve killed 58 Pakistanis in return. Whatever the truth, one thing is certain civilians are dying on both sides.

Markets have shut. Villages are emptying. Families are fleeing through the night. Those who can’t escape huddle in their homes, praying the next shell doesn’t land on them.

But I understand why Pakistan has lost its patience. For years, militants based in Afghanistan particularly the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) have terrorised Pakistani towns and cities. I’ll never forget the images from Peshawar in 2014, when 132 schoolchildren were murdered by the TTP. Or the mosque bombing in 2023 that killed 84 police officers during prayer. Just a few months ago, in June 2025, a suicide bomber in Mir Ali killed 16 soldiers and injured dozens more. Pakistan’s critics often forget: this is a country that’s buried tens of thousands of its own citizens because of terrorism.

But I’ll be honest Pakistan helped create this monster too. Back in the 1980s and 1990s, its generals thought they could use the Taliban as “strategic depth” against India. They armed them, trained them, and looked the other way as extremists spread. Western governments, including our own, played along during the Cold War. We all did this. And now, the same monster we fed has turned on its maker.

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Remembering my Nana: War, partition, and the case for peace

By Mo Waqas | Sun 7th September 2025 - 10:43 am

Picture of Subidar Major Choudry Sikander KhanMy grandfather my Nana Subidar Major Choudry Sikander Khan, was born in 1925 in a small village called Kotha Gujjaran, in what was then British India. Our family belong to the Gujjar community, a community known for two things: dairy farming and joining the army. For generations, these paths defined who we were: tending buffalo in the fields, or carrying a rifle on the front lines.

My Nana embodied that tradition. He served in the army with courage and discipline, fighting not just in the 1965 war between India and Pakistan, but also in the 1947 conflict that came with Partition, and again in 1971. Before him, his own uncle had worn the uniform of the British Indian Army and fought in the Second World War, in Burma. Ours is a family, like many from Punjab, that has spilt blood in the name of causes decided far from the villages where they were born.

When Partition came in 1947, it tore Punjab in two. It was not just a cartographer’s line it was, as historians have rightly called it, a bloody line. Millions were uprooted. Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs neighbours for centuries suddenly found themselves enemies overnight. Entire trains of refugees crossed the new borders, and too often, those trains arrived full of corpses. The soil of Punjab is rich, but it is also heavy with the weight of that blood.

Kashmir too became, and remains, a wound. A valley of beauty turned into a permanent battlefield. My Nana and so many others were sent to defend or reclaim a line on a map. Young men were told to fight and die, while politicians and generals decided their fate in offices hundreds of miles away.

This is the reality of the subcontinent’s wars: they solved nothing. Borders remained disputed. Families remained divided. The scars are still visible three generations later. The only thing these wars achieved was suffering lost fathers, lost sons, widows and orphans, poverty, displacement, and trauma.

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Rebuilding the NHS with common sense

By Mo Waqas | Fri 29th August 2025 - 8:55 am

When I think about the state of healthcare in this country, I sometimes describe myself as both a dreamer and a realist. I’m a dreamer because I can imagine an NHS that works again, one that feels close to the founding vision of 1948. But I’m also a realist because I know that change won’t come from wishful thinking it will come from practical, common-sense decisions about where we spend money, how we organise services, and who we put first.

Right now, the NHS is struggling not just because of limited funding, but because we don’t use the money we do have in the smartest way. Too much of it is leaking out through privatisation and outsourcing, where contracts are awarded to private companies that often provide poor value and fragmented services. We are patching problems rather than preventing them. And in the process, we are losing sight of the community-based healthcare that once made the NHS the envy of the world.

Take A&E departments as the clearest example. They are overstretched, overcrowded, and overwhelmed. People turn up there with issues that could be treated elsewhere not because they want to wait eight hours on a plastic chair, but because it feels like the only option left. If we properly invested in 24-hour walk-in clinics and community health centres, staffed by trained nurses and doctors, we could take the pressure off hospitals. A&E should be for genuine emergencies, not because a GP appointment is impossible to book or the local clinic has been closed.

This isn’t about reinventing the wheel. Other countries have shown what works. Look at the Netherlands: they have made preventative care central to their system. Around 70% of Dutch adults regularly take part in routine health check-ups. That means issues like diabetes, cancer, and heart disease are caught early, treated early, and often prevented from spiralling into life-threatening emergencies. It’s cheaper for the system, and it’s far better for the patient.

We could apply that lesson here. When I was diagnosed with diabetes at 19, I was lucky it was picked up early. If it had been left later, there’s every chance it would have been misdiagnosed as something else, or discovered only when complications had already set in. That’s the story of too many people in Britain today. We end up firefighting late-stage illness when we could have saved lives and money with early intervention.

Another example comes from Australia, where they handle something as simple but crucial as healthcare wages with more foresight than we do. Every three years, they renegotiate pay in line with inflation. That way, nurses and healthcare staff don’t fall behind, and the system avoids endless cycles of strikes. Here in the UK, we lurch from one dispute to another, with exhausted staff having to fight tooth and nail just to stop their pay slipping backwards. It’s demoralising, and it drives people out of the profession. If we had a model like Australia’s, we’d have a more stable workforce and patients wouldn’t be caught in the crossfire of political stubbornness.

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What we’ve lost in a world obsessed with conflict: Reflections from South Asia to Southeast Asia

By Mo Waqas | Mon 28th July 2025 - 10:45 am

When I was seven years old, I watched as India and Pakistan stood on the brink of war. Tanks were deployed. News anchors looked panicked. People stocked up on food, and entire communities braced themselves for the worst. Even as a child, I understood something terrible could happen. That fear never really left me.

A few years later, I witnessed Iraq descend into chaos. The fall of Saddam Hussein didn’t bring peace, it created a power vacuum. The West celebrated regime change. But on the ground, it was the start of endless suffering for ordinary Iraqis. I was just a teenager …

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Legalise Cannabis, save lives: it’s time to take power back from criminal gangs

By Mo Waqas | Sun 1st June 2025 - 10:55 am

Let’s be blunt: Britain’s war on drugs has failed. From cannabis to crack cocaine, we’ve chosen criminalisation over compassion, prohibition over prevention and the result has been more addiction, more crime, and more lives destroyed.

I’ve worked in prisons. I run care services. I’ve seen the human cost of our broken policies—kids groomed into gangs, people with addiction sent to jail rather than treatment, families torn apart. It doesn’t have to be this way.

We need to legalise and regulate cannabis and we need to start having serious conversations about the wider reform of drug laws, including decriminalising hard drugs and investing in public health instead of punishment.

Cannabis is Britain’s most-used illegal drug. According to the ONS, over 3 million adults in England and Wales used it last year. Yet every gram bought illegally is fuelling a black market worth an estimated £2.6 billion.

That money doesn’t go to schools, hospitals or addiction services—it goes to organised gangs, traffickers, and violent criminals. In 2023, the National Crime Agency confirmed over 2,000 active county lines networks exploiting children to move cannabis and other drugs.

Legalisation would cut off that funding at the source. It would allow for:

  • Regulated sales through licensed vendors
  • Age restrictions and health warnings
  • Controlled THC levels to reduce harm
  • Tax revenue to reinvest in communities

Canada has shown this works. Since legalising cannabis in 2018, they’ve raised over C$1.5 billion in tax revenue, reduced black market activity, and introduced strict advertising and packaging rules. Public support has increased, not fallen.

Critics always ask, “If you legalise cannabis, what next—heroin?” But in Portugal, they didn’t legalise heroin. They decriminalised it—and the results are staggering.

The impact:

  • Drug-related deaths dropped by over 80%
  • HIV infections from drug use fell by 94%
  • The prison population fell dramatically
  • Drug use did not spike—especially among young people

As of 2023, Portugal has one of the lowest overdose death rates in Europe at 6 per million, compared to over 80 per million in the UK.

Switzerland took a bold step with heroin. They introduced medically supervised heroin-assisted treatment (HAT) for people with severe opioid addiction. Patients receive pharmaceutical-grade heroin in clinics, under medical supervision.

This programme didn’t create more drug users—it did the opposite:

  • Crime among participants dropped by 60%
  • HIV transmission plummeted
  • Overdose deaths nearly disappeared
  • Participants regained stable housing and employment

Switzerland’s policy now enjoys over 70% public approval. It’s been replicated in Germany, the Netherlands, and Canada.

Oregon decriminalised possession of all drugs in 2020 through Ballot Measure 110. While the rollout faced issues, the principle remains sound.

Already, arrest rates have dropped by over 90% for drug possession, and millions of dollars in cannabis revenue are being invested into addiction recovery services.

The UK approach is stuck in the 1980s – just say no, lock them up, and hope the problem goes away. But we know better now.

We know that addiction is a health issue, not a criminal one. We know that prohibition fuels crime, not safety. And we know that public opinion is shifting.

A 2023 YouGov poll showed 55% of Brits support cannabis legalisation, rising to 63% among young adults.

The British Medical Journal, Royal Society of Public Health, and Transform Drug Policy Foundation all support moving towards a health-based model.

What the UK could do right now

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National Insurance exemption in UK-India deal is a gift to populism

By Mo Waqas | Wed 7th May 2025 - 9:30 am

The recently finalised UK-India Free Trade Agreement is being sold as a triumph —promising billions in new trade and a “win-win” for both economies. But beneath the headlines lies a provision that risks inflaming division, undermining fairness, and feeding the very populism we as Liberal Democrats stand against.

Under this agreement, Indian workers on temporary assignment in the UK will be exempt from paying National Insurance contributions for up to three years. Crucially, their employers will also be exempt. In practical terms, this means a British worker earning £15 an hour, and their employer, will both be paying into our social safety net—the NHS, pensions, sick pay—while an Indian worker earning the same wage and their employer will not. That is not just a loophole; it’s a loaded gun in the hands of populists.

Unfairness that will not go unnoticed

Let’s be frank: this arrangement is grossly unfair. It creates a two-tier workforce, and British workers will feel it acutely. We already ask our citizens to contribute through National Insurance so we can collectively fund services like the NHS and social care. If they see others working here, earning the same wage, using the same roads, hospitals, and infrastructure—yet contributing nothing to the pot—they will rightly question why.

And it won’t take long for populist voices to weaponise this. “Foreign workers don’t pay into the system.” “British jobs undercut.” This isn’t dog-whistle politics—it’s a klaxon, and the government is ringing it. The Liberal Democrats have long championed internationalism, but we cannot let that blind us to how policies land on the ground in working-class communities.

This isn’t about being anti-India. It’s about ensuring that when you live and work her, whether for three months or three year, you contribute like everyone else. Anything less breaks the basic contract of fairness that holds our society together.

A direct undercut to British workers

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Kashmir in Crisis: Navigating the Aftermath of the Pahalgam Attack

By Mo Waqas | Thu 24th April 2025 - 10:00 am

I write from Pakistan, where I’ve been visiting family and reconnecting with my roots. What began as a peaceful visit has been overshadowed by two tragic events that have shaken the region and pushed tensions to the brink.

On 22 April 2025, militants from a group calling itself the “Kashmir Resistance” carried out a brutal attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. Twenty-six tourists—25 Indian nationals and one Nepalese—were killed, and 17 others injured. The group claimed the attack was in response to what they view as demographic change and “outsider” settlement in the region.

Just weeks earlier, on 11 March, the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) hijacked the Jaffar Express, which was travelling from Quetta to Peshawar. Over 400 passengers were taken hostage. The standoff resulted in the deaths of 31 people—21 civilians and four security personnel among them.

These twin tragedies are not isolated; they are part of a deeper, escalating conflict across South Asia that risks boiling over.

The powder keg of South Asia

This region is on edge. Fear is palpable. Each attack deepens distrust and fuels calls for retaliation. But this is not just another regional skirmish—it’s a dangerous game involving two nuclear-armed states. Miscalculation could be catastrophic.

Retaliation is easy. Restraint, though harder, is the only way forward.

To New Delhi: direct your fury toward diplomacy, not retribution. To Islamabad: confront and curb extremism with sincerity, not just soundbites.

Military theatrics may please TV studios, but they don’t bring back the dead. Nor do they bring peace to the farmer who works beneath the looming threat of war.

The global community, particularly the UN Security Council, must not be passive. Kashmir is not only a political flashpoint—it is a humanitarian crisis. Years of international neglect have allowed violence to fester.

Pakistan’s power in uniform

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It’s time to buy British – and mean It

By Mo Waqas | Thu 3rd April 2025 - 1:53 pm

President Trump’s new tariffs on British exports aren’t just a bump in the road they’re a direct threat to our economic independence. The Office for Budget Responsibility says they could knock a full percentage point off our GDP by 2026–27. That’s not abstract. That’s real people losing jobs. Real businesses, especially in places like the North East, struggling to survive.

We can’t afford to shrug this off. If we’ve learned anything from recent years, it’s that we need to be more self-reliant, more rooted, and far less dependent on volatile international partners. That starts with something simple: choosing to buy British, not as a token gesture, but as a conscious act of resilience and solidarity.

Backing our own

We’ve got world-class small businesses across the UK, family shops, independent bookshops, local food producers, run by people who care deeply about what they do and the communities they serve. They already make up over 60% of private sector employment. Every time we choose them over a multinational, we’re doing more than supporting a local business, we’re helping keep our high streets alive, our communities stable, and our economy balanced.

For too long, our towns have been hollowed out by the same big chains, offering the same tired products. The money we spend there often disappears offshore. But when we choose local, we keep that money circulating in our economy. We create jobs, nurture pride, and get something better in return, better service, better quality, and a genuine sense of connection. That’s how we build strong communities, not just strong economies.

Real leadership, real partnerships

This isn’t just about reacting to Trump’s policies. It’s about shifting our whole approach. When Ed Davey praised the Prime Minister for backing a military coalition to defend Ukraine, he was absolutely right, but he also called for the same level of ambition to build an economic coalition to push back against protectionism. We need to lead with ideas, with partnerships, with action.

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Mo Waqas

My mother: my hero. A tribute on International Women’s Day

By Mo Waqas | Sat 8th March 2025 - 4:30 pm

On this International Women’s Day, I want to celebrate the greatest hero in my life — my mother, Amtal.

My mother is a woman of extraordinary strength, resilience, and unwavering principles. She may stand at just 4’11”, but her presence is far greater. She carries herself with dignity, pride, and courage that inspires everyone who knows her.

Today, my mother lives a peaceful and independent life in a small village called Kotha, in the Gujrat district of Punjab, Pakistan. She spends her days tending to her small plot of land, growing her own food, nurturing her beautiful flowers, and caring for her chickens and beloved dog. After years of hardship and struggle, she now enjoys the quiet life she always deserved — a life she built through resilience and hard work.

The values that shaped me

My mother’s greatest gift to me wasn’t just her love — it was her wisdom. She believed that strength is measured not by power or status, but by how you treat others.

She taught me to stand up for those who can’t defend themselves, to never compromise on my values, and to remain humble no matter how much success I achieve.

I remember her telling me, “Never bow before small men in big offices.” She believed that respect should be earned through character, not through titles or wealth. This principle has stayed with me throughout my life — in my career, in politics, and in my relationships.

Whenever I faced tough decisions or difficult people, her voice echoed in my mind: “Do what’s right, even if you stand alone.”

Her unshakable spirit

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Mo Waqas

Why populism thrives and how we beat it – Part 2

By Mo Waqas | Tue 11th February 2025 - 7:30 am

In Part 1, I introduced some ideas about how we beat populism, focusing on immigration. Today, I am going to look at the NHS, the economy and our political system.

Saving the NHS from Populist Scare Tactics

The NHS is under siege, and the populists love it. They use its struggles to push their own agenda, claiming that the solution is to privatise services or cut back on waste. But the NHS isn’t failing because of inefficiency or because too many people are using it. It is failing because governments have underfunded it for years, forcing doctors and nurses to work under impossible conditions while patients wait months for treatment.

The Conservatives say they are investing in the NHS, but in reality, they have allowed it to be slowly privatised, handing contracts to private companies and driving doctors out of the system. Reform UK claims it will get rid of NHS “red tape” but offers no actual funding or plan to stop the crisis. If we want to save our health service, we need real investment, not slogans. That means recruiting and retaining more doctors and nurses by increasing pay and improving working conditions. It means guaranteeing a GP appointment within a week, so people don’t turn to A&E out of desperation. It means properly integrating social care with the NHS so elderly and vulnerable patients aren’t left stranded in hospital beds because there’s nowhere for them to go. It means shifting the focus to prevention, tackling long-term health issues like obesity and mental illness before they become crises.

Fighting Economic Populism – Real Prosperity, Not Empty Promises

Nothing fuels populist anger more than economic insecurity. Wages are stagnant, housing is unaffordable, and bills keep rising. People feel like they’re working harder for less while the rich get richer. And they’re right—because the system is rigged.

Reform UK’s answer is to slash taxes and cut regulations. The Conservatives promise tax cuts too, despite 14 years of economic stagnation. Both parties push the idea that lower taxes will magically create jobs and growth, but we’ve seen this experiment fail again and again. Cutting taxes for the rich does nothing for working people.

The real solution is an economy that rewards hard work, not just wealth. That means raising wages so that people earn enough to live, not just survive. It means fixing the housing crisis so young people can afford a home again. It means backing small businesses so local entrepreneurs can thrive instead of being crushed by big corporations. It means making the tax system fairer, so billionaires and multinationals pay their share instead of shifting the burden onto working people.

Restoring Trust – Cleaning Up the Corrupt Political System

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Mo Waqas

Why populism thrives and how we beat it – Part 1

By Mo Waqas | Mon 10th February 2025 - 7:30 am

Britain is in crisis. The cost of living is spiralling, wages are stagnant, public services are collapsing, and trust in politics is at an all-time low. People feel powerless, ignored, and abandoned by those in charge. And when that happens, anger grows. Populists know this. They thrive on it. They don’t want to fix the problems; they want to exploit them. They fuel resentment, offering easy scapegoats and simplistic answers that sound good but solve nothing.

They tell people that migrants are stealing their jobs, that the NHS is broken because of bureaucracy, that the economy is failing because of a corrupt elite. Reform UK and the Conservatives both play this game, but they do it in different ways. Reform shouts about “taking our country back” while offering no real policies beyond shutting the borders and slashing taxes. The Conservatives, desperate to hold onto power, mimic Reform’s rhetoric, blaming migration for their own economic failures. Neither of them is interested in solutions. They want people to be angry because it keeps them in business.

It is easy to be angry. I understand why people are furious. They have been let down. They have been promised change again and again, yet nothing ever improves. But anger alone won’t fix Britain. It won’t shorten NHS waiting times or put money in people’s pockets. What we need is leadership that takes that anger and channels it into real action. If we want to defeat populism, we need to do it by delivering real results, not through fear-mongering or division.

Populists succeed when people feel like they have no control over their lives. They feed on frustration and convince people that only drastic, destructive action can change things. Reform UK wants to scrap Net Zero, pull Britain out of international agreements, and introduce a US-style immigration system that would choke businesses of the skilled workers they need. The Conservatives, rather than offering stability, now talk about legal migration caps and sending asylum seekers to Rwanda. These aren’t policies—they’re distractions. The only way to stop them is to address the root causes of their success—economic insecurity, public service decline, and political failure.

Fixing immigration with competence, not chaos

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Why the Liberal Democrats Should Champion a CANZUK Alliance

By Mo Waqas | Thu 6th February 2025 - 12:34 pm

As a Liberal Democrat and someone deeply invested in international cooperation, I believe the concept of CANZUK—strengthening ties between Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the UK—deserves serious consideration within our party. This isn’t just about nostalgia for a shared past; it’s about unlocking practical, forward-thinking opportunities that align with our values of internationalism, economic prosperity, and human rights.

I want to explore how a CANZUK alliance could benefit the UK and why the Liberal Democrats should be leading the conversation on this issue.

Economic Growth and Trade Expansion

One of the most compelling reasons for strengthening CANZUK ties is the economic potential. The combined GDP of these four countries exceeds $7.5 trillion, making them a formidable economic bloc. Unlike many existing trade agreements, a CANZUK trade partnership would be built on a foundation of mutual trust, shared legal systems, and compatible regulatory standards.

Post-Brexit, the UK needs to reimagine its place in global trade. While we should maintain strong ties with Europe, there is also an opportunity to build new economic relationships with countries that share our language, governance structures, and business culture. Canada, Australia, and New Zealand already have strong trade ties with one another, and deepening our involvement in this network could create fresh opportunities for UK businesses.

Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) would benefit the most from easier access to new markets. If we establish streamlined trade agreements with these nations, businesses could export their goods and services with fewer tariffs and bureaucratic hurdles. The Liberal Democrats have always championed policies that help small businesses thrive, and a CANZUK trade partnership would do just that.

Freedom of Movement and Talent Exchange

Another major pillar of the CANZUK proposal is the free movement of people between the four countries. This could be a transformative policy, allowing UK citizens to live, work, and study in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand with fewer restrictions.

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Mo Waqas

Standing firm: defying Trump’s tariff war and protecting our allies

By Mo Waqas | Mon 3rd February 2025 - 4:44 pm

Yesterday morning, I woke up to the stark reality that Donald Trump has once again shot himself in the foot, imposing tariffs on Canada, Mexico, and potentially the European Union. This move is a clear sign that Britain, despite the naïve optimism of some on the far-right or within the Reform Party, will not be spared. In the long run, we too will face tariffs, and we risk becoming a client nation under Trump’s empire-like vision of America. Unfortunately for Trump, he seems to idolize the likes of Caligula, the Roman emperor who waged war against the sea. I’m surprised he hasn’t sent his armies to conquer the ocean yet.

Britain, the European Union, Canada, Australia, and other sovereign nations must now band together and stand firm against this kind of bullying. We cannot allow even an inch of European land to fall under the influence of American tariffs and policies. We must not let Canada, our steadfast ally, become the 51st state of the United States. We must empower our colleagues in Canada and stand by their side.

As free, sovereign countries that cherish liberal democracy, we do not undermine each other. We do not bow down to bullies. If Donald Trump and his supporters wish to shape America into a nation more tolerant of far-right ideologies, then so be it. But we will not be bullied by countries that, while influential, are taking a dangerous path.

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Mo Waqas

Defending British sovereignty: A response to far-right Influence

By Mo Waqas | Wed 8th January 2025 - 8:23 am

As someone from a British Pakistani background, it is deeply troubling to see how the far-right in this country, who once championed Brexit under the guise of sovereignty, now eagerly submit to the influence of figures like Elon Musk. When Musk undermines our Prime Minister and Parliament, he disregards the hard-won sovereignty that defines Britain. It is a stark reminder of how quickly some are willing to hand over our national integrity to those who have no stake in our history or values.

Musk’s support for figures like Tommy Robinson and Andrew Tate highlights the dangerous path the far-right is taking. Robinson, notorious for mortgage fraud and for jeopardising legal proceedings, represents a fringe that thrives on division and fear. Andrew Tate, who aspires to be Prime Minister but couldn’t spell it correctly, has a history of promoting controversial views and faces serious allegations of human trafficking and sexual assault.

The issue of grooming gangs is deeply personal and crucial. It’s important to remember that such heinous acts transcend race or religion and must be universally condemned. Statistics show that grooming and sexual exploitation are pervasive problems that cut across all communities. It is disheartening to see these crimes used as fodder for divisive rhetoric by those like Musk and his followers.

Meanwhile, Nigel Farage, once hailed as the “messiah” of the Reform Party, now seems more like a “naughty boy” from Monty Python. The confusion within the Reform Party only underscores their lack of coherence and vision. Farage’s fluctuating stance and the party’s failure to find consistent leadership only highlight their instability.

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Mo Waqas

Has America lost Pakistan?

By Mo Waqas | Mon 23rd December 2024 - 11:30 am

The relationship between the United States and Pakistan has undergone significant shifts over the decades, from being close allies during the Cold War to the current state of growing estrangement. The US’s recent sanctions on Pakistan’s ballistic missile programme highlight this growing divide. These sanctions reflect not only immediate concerns about nuclear proliferation but also broader challenges in the US-Pakistan relationship, shaped by history, strategic divergences, and emerging global alliances. Yet, losing Pakistan as an ally could have serious strategic implications, especially given the strength and professionalism of the Pakistan Army compared to other militaries in the Muslim world.

For much of the 20th century, Pakistan was a key ally of the United States. During the Cold War, Pakistan’s alignment with the US was solidified through its participation in SEATO and CENTO, military alliances aimed at containing Soviet influence in Asia and the Middle East. This relationship deepened during the Afghan-Soviet War in the 1980s when Pakistan, under General Zia-ul-Haq, became a frontline state in resisting Soviet expansionism. Billions of dollars in military and economic aid flowed from the US to Pakistan, funding Mujahideen fighters and solidifying Pakistan’s role as a critical partner. However, the fallout from this era, including the rise of radical militancy and instability, began to test the alliance.

The 1990s marked the first major divergence. Pakistan’s covert nuclear weapons programme, led by Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, became a source of contention. The US imposed sanctions under the Pressler Amendment, cutting off military and economic aid. While strategic priorities during the Afghan War had overshadowed concerns about Pakistan’s nuclear ambitions, the end of the Cold War left little reason for the US to overlook these issues. Pakistan’s nuclear tests in 1998 further isolated it, as the US strongly opposed proliferation in South Asia.

Post-9/11, the US-Pakistan partnership was revived temporarily. Pakistan became a crucial ally in the War on Terror, allowing US forces access to its airspace and providing intelligence to target Al-Qaeda and Taliban operatives. Yet, this renewed alliance was fraught with mistrust. The US accused Pakistan’s military and intelligence agency, the ISI, of maintaining ties with Taliban factions while publicly supporting the American-led war. Drone strikes in Pakistan’s tribal areas, though targeting militants, caused widespread civilian casualties and fuelled anti-American sentiment.

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Mo Waqas

Shadows over Damascus: The unravelling of a regime

By Mo Waqas | Tue 10th December 2024 - 1:26 pm

Bashar al-Assad has fled, and HTS fighters, backed by Turkey, have taken control of Damascus. It immediately brought to mind the fall of Kabul to the Taliban only a few years ago—how quickly power shifted with little resistance. Afghanistan fell to the Taliban then, and now it seems Damascus may fall to HTS. Yet, this isn’t just a repeat of history; it’s a far more complex situation.

Let me be clear: Bashar al-Assad was no saint. He was a dreadful leader, willing to commit unspeakable atrocities to cling to power. Yet, I genuinely expected him to fight harder to retain his grip. It’s worth noting that Assad wasn’t originally meant to rule; that role was intended for his brother, who tragically died in a car crash. Bashar was thrust into power by circumstance, and his leadership style has always reflected that—a man eager to please but lacking the foresight for the long game.

The timing of this shift couldn’t be worse for Assad’s allies. Iran, preoccupied with Israel and Lebanon, and Russia, entrenched in Ukraine, are in no position to prop him up. In this vacuum, Turkey has made a bold move. I see this as Erdoğan’s masterstroke—a calculated “Ottoman slap,” so to speak. Make no mistake, this wasn’t an HTS-led victory in isolation. This was orchestrated in Ankara, backed by Istanbul, and serves as a clear message to the Middle East: there’s a new sheriff in town.

However, the fall of Assad comes with significant risks. History shows us what happens when iron-fisted regimes collapse without a clear successor. Iraq post-Saddam and Libya after Gaddafi offer grim lessons. Power vacuums invite chaos, and Syria could easily become a breeding ground for ISIS-like groups to reemerge. HTS doesn’t have the monopoly on violence needed to stabilize the region, leaving Syria vulnerable to prolonged instability. I wouldn’t be surprised if Turkey takes further action, possibly carving out a buffer zone to guard against Kurdish aspirations for autonomy.

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Mo Waqas

Trump’s Election: A wake up call for Europe and Britain

By Mo Waqas | Fri 8th November 2024 - 9:48 am

The recent election of Donald Trump as President of the United States marks a pivotal shift in the transatlantic alliance, forcing Europe to reassess its position on defence, economic policy, and international relations. For Great Britain, the European Union, and NATO allies, Trump’s presidency presents both immediate and long-term challenges. His ambivalence toward NATO’s traditional role, compounded by isolationist and protectionist policies, signals a tectonic change in the foundation of post-World War II alliances. With Trump back in office, Europe must adopt a more strategic, coordinated, and self-reliant approach to ensure regional stability and security.

Trump’s stance on NATO introduces real uncertainty into Europe’s defence calculus. Historically, NATO has underpinned European security, offering a powerful deterrent against aggressors like Russia. However, Trump’s prior remarks about “free-riding” by European nations and his willingness to reconsider U.S. commitments cast doubt on the assumption that the U.S. will always be the principal guarantor of European security. This is particularly concerning as Russia’s actions in Ukraine demonstrate the enduring risk of territorial aggression on the continent. Europe, therefore, faces a strategic imperative to assume a larger share of its defence burden, fortify its military capabilities, and reinforce collective defence mechanisms.

The European Union and NATO must now confront their limitations in readiness, force projection, and rapid response capability. While NATO’s Article 5 provides a mutual defence framework, its effectiveness is compromised if member states lack interoperability and standardized response capabilities. Thus, Europe’s emphasis must shift toward enhancing interoperability among its forces, modernizing its military infrastructure, and bolstering cybersecurity defences. Major urban centres like Milan, Geneva, Krakow, Berlin, and London must be prepared to withstand a range of threats, from cyber incursions to hybrid warfare and missile strikes. Europe’s major powers, particularly Germany and France, need to accelerate their defence spending and expand joint military exercises to build a resilient and autonomous defence posture.

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Mo Waqas

A Vision for Change: embracing the political middle ground

By Mo Waqas | Fri 1st November 2024 - 9:52 am

In today’s political landscape, many feel disillusioned. Labour seems unable to fulfill its promises, while the Conservative Party’s long tenure has left a bitter taste. This climate presents a unique opportunity for the Liberal Democrats to step forward and appeal to those who feel politically homeless.

Our approach must prioritize practical, common-sense policies that harness the power of logic over divisive rhetoric. We must address the pressing concerns facing the UK today—ones that impact the everyday lives of the working class. From the increasing cost of living to the scarcity of high-quality jobs, we need to offer solutions that resonate with those who feel left behind by the political establishment. It’s crucial that we don’t simply offer critiques of other parties but provide a grounded, realistic alternative that people can truly believe in.

Addressing the Rise of Far-Right Sentiment

Across Europe and the US, we’ve seen the dangers of far-right movements gaining traction by preying on people’s frustrations. Far-right ideologies often thrive in environments where individuals feel their voices aren’t heard, especially as they contend with economic hardship or lack of opportunities. In the UK, recent protests and social movements indicate a rising frustration and a void in representation for moderate and rational perspectives.

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Israel’s dilemma: War and ideology

By Mo Waqas | Wed 2nd October 2024 - 7:30 am

While attending a business conference at the Belfry in Sutton Coldfield, I received the news that Israel had demolished a six-tower complex.Among these towers, the infamous Hassan Nasrallah, leader of Hezbollah, was reportedly taking refuge in a bunker situated 80 feet underground. The Israeli military employed F-15 jets equipped with bunker-buster bombs to execute this strike, effectively targeting the underground stronghold. My immediate reaction was one of concern, fearing for the region’s stability and the safety of its people. In that moment, I couldn’t help but sense that this conflict might become Israel’s “Dirty War” (La Sale Guerre). Unlike the approach of Charles de Gaulle, Netanyahu seemed to have found his “Ho Chi Minh” in Nasrallah; however, the question remains – how many “Ho Chi Minhs” does Hezbollah harbor?

This episode has shed light on the reality that the “Axis of Resistance” comprises ragtag militias united by a single factor: ideology. Israel’s current strategy relies heavily on “shock and awe,” yet history suggests that such tactics rarely yield long-term success, even in Gaza, which remains tightly controlled by Israel. Despite being surrounded, Hamas continues to operate. It’s important to clarify that I’m not glorifying these groups but rather examining the unfolding situation to understand Israel’s potential trajectory. From my perspective, the outlook is worrying.

Israel stands as the sole democracy in the region, sharing values and interests with the United Kingdom, making it a close ally. Yet, since this conflict began, Israel appears to be playing into Tehran’s hands. The fact is, neither Iran nor its allies in the “Axis of Resistance” possess the military strength to take on Israel head-to-head. Still, to borrow a quote from Ho Chi Minh: “The tiger may not stand still and allow the elephant to crush him. But the tiger will leap upon the elephant, and then jump back into the jungle; and as the elephant pursues him, the tiger will attack again and again until the elephant bleeds to death.” This analogy accurately depicts Iran’s strategy: bleeding Israel economically and militarily through indirect means.

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Standing against hatred: A call for unity in the face of tragedy

By Mo Waqas | Thu 1st August 2024 - 3:41 pm

The horrific deaths of the three young girls at a dance class have sent shockwaves through our country. This senseless attack, which rightfully should be condemned, has left families and the wider Southport community in mourning. My heart aches for those affected by this tragedy.

In the wake of this incident, we have seen a troubling rise in Islamophobia. This is an issue I have spoken about extensively. It began with the Leeds Riots, where many, including right-wing figures like Nigel Farage, incorrectly assumed the unrest was linked to the South Asian community. In reality, the Muslim community in Leeds was actively working to calm the situation. However, individuals like Tommy Robinson and Lawrence Fox have fanned the flames of sectarianism and populism, perpetuating harmful stereotypes.

The far-right narrative that blames immigrants and Muslims for societal issues is damaging and untrue. They portray my community as terrorists, rapists, and benefit scroungers. This scapegoating has reached a point where many third and fourth-generation Muslims, like myself, feel fed up. We are British—we embrace the quirks of British life, from its famously unpredictable weather to enjoying a vegan sausage roll and chips with gravy. We are proud of our nation, and our grandparents fought against fascism for this country. My great-grandfather served in Burma, and our families have contributed blood, sweat, and tears to be part of this society.

Our contributions are undeniable. My grandfather started working in a mill in Bolton in the 1960s, and now his descendants have become barristers, nurses, investment bankers, care assistants, and bus drivers. They play integral roles in the fabric of Britain. I am the first in my family to stand as an MP and the first to chair my local party. We break glass ceilings every day.

To the far-right, I have a clear message: you will not win. This Britain is for the tolerant and welcoming. We have friends from diverse backgrounds—atheists, theists, LGBTQ+ individuals, and those who think Wigan have a better football team than Bolton (obviously incorrect) . We focus on what unites us rather than what divides us. We care about the Lionesses and whether it’s called a bread roll, barm, or cob. We debate whether to put cream or jam first on a scone. These are the things that make us British.

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Sometimes sorry just isn’t enough

By Mo Waqas | Sun 7th April 2024 - 1:08 pm

Wednesday was a day filled with sorrow and reflection as I learned about a tragic event unfolding in Gaza. A missile strike by the Israeli Defence Force claimed the lives of seven individuals associated with the World Central KitchenAid organization. Among them were three British citizens: John Chapman, James Anderson, and James Kirby. My heart goes out to the families of those who lost their lives in this catastrophe, particularly those working tirelessly to alleviate the severe food shortages plaguing the people of Gaza.

The mission of World Central Kitchen, to feed the most vulnerable under dire conditions, where some have had to resort to animal feed for sustenance, is nothing short of heroic. This calamity, however, casts a shadow on their noble work, revealing the precarious nature of providing aid in conflict zones.

The admission by IDF Chief Herzi Halevi, attributing the strike to misidentification, does little to assuage the gravity of the situation. The meticulous targeting of vehicles marked with the World Central Kitchen emblem seems to point to a breakdown not just in the fog of war but in accountability and oversight by one of the world’s most technologically advanced militaries.

In a separate, equally disturbing event, a suspected Israeli strike demolished the Iranian consulate in Damascus, Syria. This act, resulting in the death of seven members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), escalates tensions further and breaches the sanctity of diplomatic missions, a cornerstone of international relations.

These events have reignited the discourse on the Israel-Palestine conflict, underscoring the urgent need for peace and the problematic nature of ongoing arms sales to Israel. Calls for a ceasefire from former Supreme Court Justices and reconsideration of support for UNWRA highlight the potential complicity in serious violations of international law.

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