Category Archives: Op-eds

Confederation, not superstate: A Liberal vision for Europe

Britain needs Europe. Europe needs Britain. But not as they currently are.

This thought began by watching the current US administration’s repeated disdain for European allies—the transactional contempt, the treaty ambiguity, the suggestion that decades of partnership count for nothing. Liberal internationalism is under threat. The transatlantic order that underwrote European security for seven decades is fracturing visibly. That creates a vacuum—and a question the Liberal Democrats are uniquely positioned to answer: what should Europe become, and where does Britain fit?

No other party will ask this. Labour has calculated that silence on Europe costs less than clarity. The Conservatives remain captured by their Brexit coalition. The Liberal Democrats—consistently internationalist, consistently proved right—have both the standing and the freedom to lead.

What follows is a proposal. A confederated Europe—sovereign democracies choosing deeper partnership without dissolving into a superstate. Britain rejoining not the arrangement we left, but something reformed and stronger.

* * *

The European Union’s current structure has real limitations. Unanimity requirements mean a single state can paralyse collective action—Hungary vetoing Ukraine support, for instance. The single market for services remains incomplete, disadvantaging Britain’s core economic strength. Defence cooperation exists but lacks the integration that genuine strategic autonomy requires. Democratic accountability is diffuse; citizens struggle to know who decides what.

A confederation would address these. Not federation—no European government overriding national parliaments. Confederation means sovereign nations pooling specific functions while retaining authority over everything else. The EU already operates closer to this model than most people realise; the question is whether to make it work properly.

Three reforms matter most. First, replace unanimity with qualified majority voting, so decisions actually get made and member countries’ voices carry weight proportional to their populations. Second, complete the services single market—genuinely opening European economies to British expertise in finance, law, technology, and professional services. Third, integrate defence properly: pooled procurement to reduce duplication, coordinated command structures, and Franco-British nuclear cooperation providing a genuine European deterrent independent of Washington’s whims.

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The World Cup and the Olympics should not be showcases for Trumpism or America First

In January of this year alone, Donald Trump has undermined the international rule of law and the postwar global order, all in the name of ‘Making America Great Again’. He ordered the capture of President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela to combat America’s drug problem and potentially to access Venezuelan oil and raised the prospect of an intra-NATO war to obtain Greenland.

While I and others are grateful that UK and European leaders have been able to stand up to Trump and get him to back down over Greenland, the wider international community needs to be more assertive. This year, the United States will host the FIFA Men’s World Cup in tandem with Canada and Mexico, while in 2028 Los Angeles is scheduled to host the Olympics for a third time. In light of the Trump administration’s actions, there is a case that the US should not host either event and that they should be relocated. While it would only make sense for the World Cup fixtures to be hosted by another CONCACAF member, we should not argue that Britain is the only possible alternative for the Olympics.

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A cross-party group of MPs including Liberal Democrats has proposed that the US be expelled from FIFA over American actions in Venezuela. While perfectly understandable, I fear that this course of action may unduly punish a future America that has managed to shake off Trump and Trumpism. Relocating sporting fixtures to be held in his America would be the more direct and proportionate response. With both England and Scotland taking part in the World Cup, I am inclined to ask who would support both teams boycotting the tournament?

Recent American immigration policy has shown no regard for the wellbeing of American citizens, let alone foreign nationals. Trump has pushed for the revocation of birthright citizenship – a right enshrined in the Fourteenth Amendment as part of the abolition of slavery – and aggressive immigration enforcement has led to the deportation and bodily harm of Americans and the death of the blameless Renee Nicole Good.

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Trump the Trickster: A teachable moment

Let’s imagine for a moment that Trump’s second presidency is a teachable moment. Instead of clutching our pearls, rolling our eyes, and denouncing his bully-boy belligerence, let’s look at him through a different lens. For all the tantrums and tumult, turmoil and toxicity, let’s ask ourselves: if Trump is here to inadvertently serve some higher purpose, what might that purpose be?

Across many cultures, there is a recurring figure in myth and psychology: the Trickster. The Trickster disrupts, breaks taboos, thumbs its nose at authority and exposes uncomfortable truths. They are rarely admirable, often infuriating, and sometimes dangerous. Yet their function is not simply to cause chaos. It is to reveal where systems are brittle, where assumptions are lazy, and where power has grown complacent.

Seen through this lens, Donald Trump is still deeply unadmirable. But he may be performing the archetypal role of the Trickster on the global stage, holding up a distorted mirror in which our vulnerabilities are thrown into sharp relief.

Sir Ed Davey has been robust in his attitude towards Trump, boycotting his state dinner and warning about the threat Trump poses to NATO, to the rule of law, and to the international cooperation on which Britain’s security and prosperity depend. That clarity matters. But beyond the immediate political response, there is a deeper question. What is this disruption revealing about the world we thought we lived in?

Three lessons stand out.

First, that Britain and Europe have been too comfortable in their reliance on the United States.

For decades, we have assumed that the US would always be a stable, values-aligned guarantor of global security. Trump’s transactional view of alliances, and his willingness to treat collective defence as a bargaining chip, shatters that assumption.

The lesson is not that the transatlantic relationship is unimportant. It is that strategic maturity means never putting all our eggs in one American basket. A Europe that invests seriously in its own security, energy resilience, technological capability and diplomatic reach is not turning its back on America. It is recognising that partnership is strongest when it is balanced, not dependent.

Trump the Trickster exposes the danger of complacency. He reminds us that alliances based on tradition rather than genuine partnership can quickly become fragile.

Second, that the rules-based international order only exists if we actively defend it.

Trump’s disdain for multilateral institutions, his enthusiasm for strongman politics, and his casual attitude to international law reveal an uncomfortable truth. The global system we describe as “rules-based” is not self-enforcing. It rests on shared norms and political will.

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Rules without enforcement are just wishes

Donald Trump’s administration has taken another step towards authoritarianism.

Trump-backed Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mike Johnson, has openly backed calls for federal judges who rule against the President to be impeached. This escalates Johnson’s rhetoric; he had previously called for funding cuts to judges who rule against Trump in place of impeachment.

The point of a federal judge, as with all judges, is not to agree with the President simply for loyalty’s sake. Their job is to interpret and apply the Constitution and federal law, including striking down executive orders as unconstitutional or ruling that government agencies have exceeded their legal authority.

Donald Trump is weaponising the status and influence afforded to him as President, and encouraging his supporters to lean on judges with threats to their careers, simply for doing their jobs properly.

And it is not happening in isolation. He has threatened Greenland’s sovereignty, first by force and now by “immediate negotiations”. He has also threatened tariffs against allies, which he now claims to be stepping back from.

For those who have not seen or heard Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s speech at Davos, do so. What he said should transcend political boundaries and force us all to wake up and realise the truth: the international rules-based order was only ever real when it benefited us. American hegemony kept the illusion alive. President Trump has not only shown us how the trick was done, but has also ensured it can never be performed again.

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Europe knows Trump’s game. Because Europe invented it.

Donald Trump came to Europe expecting to dominate it. Instead, he was sent away with a flea in his ear.

Like many people watching this drama unfold, I was preparing myself for the worst. A new generation of gunboat diplomacy, the dissolution of Nato and the fracturing of the rules-based order. 

However, the row over Greenland tells us something important about the world we are now living in – something to give us hope. Trump arrived armed with threats, tariffs and performative bluster, assuming that European countries could be picked off one by one. He assumed that pressure would fracture solidarity, that intimidation would produce concessions, and Europe would blink.

It didn’t. Europe closed ranks.

What Trump discovered is that Europe recognised his playbook because it has lived it, refined it, and ultimately abandoned it.

Europe invented coercive power politics. For centuries, European states built empires through a ruthless blend of military force, trade pressure, legal fictions and strategic intimidation. They perfected the art of getting what they wanted without always firing a shot. They learned how to extract concessions, how to divide opponents, how to cloak power in respectability.

Europe knows exactly how coercion works because it once ruled much of the world through it.

But Europe also learned something else, the hard way. When empires collapse and there are no weaker territories left to dominate, coercion between peers does not produce stability. It produces catastrophe.

Twice in the twentieth century, European states tore themselves apart in wars of unprecedented scale. Those wars were not accidents. They were the logical endpoint of unrestrained power politics between economically, militarily and organisationally comparable nations. By 1945, the lesson was unavoidable. Among equals, intimidation does not deliver lasting advantage. It delivers ruin.

That is why post-war Europe rebuilt itself on alliances, law and economic interdependence. Not out of sentimentality, but out of survival. Institutions were not designed to express virtue – they are the bedrock of the bloc. They were designed to prevent a return to the world that had nearly destroyed the continent.

This is the context that Trump, who has an instinctive hatred for strong institutions, misread in respect of Greenland.

When he threatened tariffs to force European acquiescence, he expected compliance. Instead, European leaders treated the threat as what it was: an attempt at coercive bargaining. They responded collectively, legally and calmly. The result was telling. The tariffs were shelved. Sovereignty was upheld. Trump was left claiming a vague “framework” and a promise to talk, more or less the outcome he would have achieved had he asked nicely in the first place… and with far less damage to his own credibility.

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The plight of Palestinian Christians

On 7 January, Palestinian Christians gathered in Gaza City to mark Orthodox Christmas at Saint Porphyrius Church, one of the oldest churches in the world. It was the first Christmas service there in three years. In October 2023, Israeli airstrikes destroyed a building in the church’s compound, killing 17 of the 450 Palestinian Christians seeking refuge inside. The two years that followed brought such widespread destruction, hunger and loss that there was little desire for festivity.

A powerful op-ed by Palestinian student and writer Ali Skaik captured the contradictory mood inside the church: sorrow intertwined with hope, loss alongside renewal. There was also defiance in the simple act of turning up, of refusing erasure. As one congregant put it, “Our presence protects Palestinian history. Christianity is a pillar of Palestinian identity. By celebrating Christmas here, we assert our existence and our belonging to this land.”

The Israel-Palestine conflict is often framed as a religious struggle between Muslim and Jewish groups, but the witness of Palestinian Christians exposes the hollowness of that narrative. It is a nationalist struggle between Israelis and Palestinians. Like the rest of the population, Gaza’s Christians have faced over two years of relentless bombardment and siege, while those in the West Bank endure the daily realities of life under unlawful occupation shaped by checkpoints, settler violence, land seizures, and Israeli military control.

The birthplace of Christianity, Palestine was once home to a large Christian community. The Christian population of the whole of Palestine was around 12.5% before the 1948 Nakba. That on the West Bank has now declined to under 50,000, or less than 1% of the total population. Today perhaps 140,000 Palestinian Christians live in Israel as Israeli citizens (well under 2% of the population) while less than 1,000 live in Gaza.

According to a 2020 study, escaping the conditions of occupation is a primary factor behind the emigration of Palestinian Christians, alongside related economic, educational and security considerations. Corruption and a weak rule of law are also factors. Christians are twice as likely as Muslims to seek to emigrate. Most participants felt that Israeli policies were designed to push them from their homeland. A substantial proportion also feared political Islamist groups; however, the overwhelming majority felt they were integrated into Palestinian society.

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When will Iran’s ‘Berlin Wall moment’ come?

So many have drawn parallels with the of the protests in Iran as a Berlin Wall moment, that rare historical instant when fear dissolves, momentum accelerates, and a people suddenly realise that the power looming over them has already begun to rot from within. For a brief and intoxicating period, the metaphor appeared to hold. But nostalgia and yearning can be a contemptible form of comfort.

As soon as it spread, it encountered something far older and far more predictable, as the familiar reflexes of a failing tyranny reasserted themselves through organised brutality, exemplary violence, and the calculated production of fear. Streets were not quieted through persuasion or compromise but cleared through blood and terror by the Iranian regime.

Now early confidence seemed to have smouldered within the very flames of the fires engulfing Iran, consumed by the heat of the moment it once fed. I think we all hoped for this to the Berlin Wall moment in its predictability. However, the cracks in Islamic Republic, does now seem to suggest a weakening in its durability.

A measure of truth in this recalibration but taken too far it risks mistaking endurance for strength and repression for stability.

The contrasts with the past are real and cannot be ignored. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, authoritarian though he was, ultimately did decide to do a departure over mass killing, while the clerical establishment and the Revolutionary Guards have shown no such hesitation. The opposition of the late 1970s was more unified, more organisationally embedded, and more capable of sustaining pressure, and members of the ruling elite could plausibly imagine lives beyond power. Today’s leadership, many directly implicated in violence and repression, confronts a starker calculation in which survival and domination appear inseparable.

Yet even these differences obscure a more consequential one.

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The Emperor’s New Clothes

How deliciously ironic that the popular folktale The Emperor’s New Clothes was written by a Danish author, Hans Christian Andersen. How apposite is that tale today? A slow-witted narcissist is easily duped and, because he is believed to be a powerful emperor, no one is willing to challenge him and point out what a fool he is being. Trump is undoubtedly a fool, but he is constantly emboldened by the dithering appeasement of most world leaders, while the functioning malevolent minds of Putin and Xi quietly look on with delight.

Whether it’s from fawning, fear or flippancy the world can no longer pander to this great blustering bully and his dangerous nonsense. For some time now I have been wanting for a small child to step from the crowd as Trump goes by and shout out, “But that man’s talking bollocks!”

Far from being a small child, today, we may have found a fearless voice willing to speak out on the world stage. Mark Carney, speaking in Davos, has clearly set out what a Liberal approach could look like. It is beholden on those of us who agree that a safe and peaceful world, can only be secured by fairness, respect and the rule of international law to boldly stand with Carney and join our voices in a resounding cry of “enough!”

His was no dewy-eyed nostalgia, hankering after a golden age that never was. If Trump has achieved anything, it is that that old ship has sailed, and sunk! Liberals, and indeed all people who believe in reason and dialogue, must move forward to a better future while there is still any future to hope for.

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Trans healthcare needs a Jenkinsite overhaul

Trans healthcare should not be a cultural battlefield; it should be a public service. The job of the NHS is to treat patients with competence, dignity, and in a reasonable timeframe. On that test, the current system is failing too many trans people.

Across the UK, long waits have become normalised. In some areas, patients face years of delay before even a first appointment. That is not “care”; it is rationing by backlog, and backlog becomes harm. It pushes people into distress, erodes trust in clinicians, and leaves families trying to navigate a maze of uncertainty with no map and no timeline.

A Jenkinsite response begins with a simple premise: rights mean little if the state cannot deliver the services that make them real. Roy Jenkins understood that reform is not a sermon; it is a structure. If trans people are to receive healthcare safely and fairly, we need a pathway that works as any other modern NHS service should.

First, we should treat this as an access crisis, not a moral argument. That means capacity, targets, transparency, and accountability. Waiting lists shrink through staff, clinics, and systems that are designed to move, not through warm words and vague commitments.

Second, the model of care needs modernising. No serious health pathway should rely on a tiny number of overstretched specialist clinics to do everything. A workable system should run as a network: regional specialist centres for complex decision-making, with routine monitoring and follow-up delivered locally wherever possible. That reduces bottlenecks and makes care safer, because patients are not left isolated from regular clinical contact.

Third, we need a workforce plan that is honest about scale. Gender-related healthcare cannot remain a niche competence guarded by a handful of clinicians. The NHS should build accredited training for GPs, nurses, and relevant specialists, so routine elements of care can be delivered confidently and consistently. That does not mean lowering standards; it means spreading them.

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Why banning social media for children misses the point

The Government is  considering following Australia’s lead with a blanket ban on social media for under-16s. It’s a move that will appeal to anxious parents and play well in focus groups. It also represents a fundamental misunderstanding of both the problem and the solution.

This isn’t to dismiss legitimate concerns about children’s online experiences. The evidence on mental health impacts is real and concerning, particularly for young people already vulnerable. Algorithmic amplification of harmful content, cyberbullying, and the manipulation of attention through addictive design features cause genuine harm. Parents are right to worry.

But a ban throws the baby out with the bathwater. It looks decisive whilst avoiding the harder work of actually fixing anything, and in the process, eliminates the genuine benefits alongside the harms.

The practical problems are obvious

Age verification technology remains unreliable and privacy-invasive. Australia’s ban, which only came into effect this month, relies on platforms policing themselves – the same platforms that have consistently failed to enforce their existing age limits. VPNs and workarounds are readily available to any teenager with basic digital literacy, which is to say, most of them.

More fundamentally, a ban creates an unregulated underground. When young people inevitably access social media anyway, they’ll do so without adult guidance or support, less likely to report problems or seek help when things go wrong. We’ve seen this pattern before with abstinence-only approaches to sex education and drug policy: restricting access doesn’t eliminate risk, it just pushes it into the shadows.

But the deeper issue is one of rights and autonomy

Children and young people are not simply adults-in-waiting, passive recipients of adult protection. They are rights-holders under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, including the right to freedom of expression and access to information. These rights don’t disappear because we’re uncomfortable with how they’re being exercised.

For many young people, particularly those who are LGBTQ+, disabled, from minority backgrounds, or geographically isolated, online spaces provide crucial community, information, and support that may not exist in their immediate physical environment. Social media is also where civic life increasingly happens. Youth climate activism, political organising, and public discourse occur online. Excluding an entire age group from these spaces is excluding them from democratic participation at precisely the age when political consciousness typically develops. We can’t simultaneously lament young people’s disengagement from politics whilst banning them from the primary forum where political conversation occurs.

What would actually work?

The answer isn’t another badly designed law, it’s properly addressing the actual problem: platform business models that profit from harm. None of these proposals are untested fantasies – elements exist in various jurisdictions – but nowhere has implemented them comprehensively or with adequate enforcement.

Rather than banning access, we should be banning the business model. That means:

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Mathew on Monday: when Britain needed Love Actually, It Got Mr Bean

There are moments in politics when symbolism matters as much as substance, when tone, posture and moral clarity speak louder than any communique or briefing note.

This morning should have been one of those moments. Following Donald Trump’s latest intervention over Greenland – part territorial fantasy, part geopolitical bullying – Britain was presented with a rare opportunity. A chance for a UK Prime Minister to look a reckless American President in the eye and say: no. Calmly. Firmly. Clearly. In defence of international law, allied sovereignty, and basic democratic norms.

What many of us hoped do was a Love Actually moment: Hugh Grant’s fictional Prime Minister, politely but unmistakably calling out American overreach and reminding the world that friendship does not require submission. What we got instead was Mr Bean.

Keir Starmer’s emergency press conference this morning was not incompetent. It was not chaotic. It was not aggressive. It was, in fact, something far worse: timid, earnest, managerial, lawyerly – and utterly devoid of the moral authority the moment demanded.

Yes, the Prime Minister stressed the importance of diplomacy. Yes, he reaffirmed that Greenland’s future lies with its people and Denmark. Yes, he warned that trade wars harm working people. All of that is true. All of it is safe. All of it could have been said in a written statement.

What was missing was leadership.

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The Jenkinsite case for fixing the Carer’s Allowance

Britain talks about family, community, and the dignity of work. But if you want to see what we truly value, look at how we treat carers.

Ed Davey has spoken about caring for his mother and caring for his disabled son today. That gives the Liberal Democrats credibility. Supporting carers is not a niche “nice-to-have”; it is the natural flagship for a liberal party that believes in dignity, family life, and a state that works.

Unpaid carers keep Britain afloat. They keep loved ones out of the hospital, stop social care from collapsing, and hold families together. Yet many live with exhaustion, paperwork, and the fear that one wrong payslip could trigger a demand for thousands in repayment.

A humane country does not punish people for taking responsibility.

A Jenkinsite approach is not nostalgia, but instead, a method: practical reform,
administrative competence, and compassion appropriately delivered. Carer’s Allowance is a test of whether the state can manage fundamental fairness.

Carer’s Allowance is £83.30 a week for those providing at least 35 hours of care to someone on a qualifying disability benefit. It rises to £86.45 from April 2026. Even then, it is a poor reward for work done under sustained pressure.

End the cliff-edge

Carers can earn up to £196 per week under the 2025/26 rules. Go even slightly over, and
you can lose the entire allowance. This is not a taper; it is a trap.

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Ed under attack

The Guardian reports significant numbers of Liberal Democrat MPs are becoming frustrated by what they view as an overly cautious approach under Ed Davey, and the party’s failure to spell out a national message to voters.

Shortly after merger I was working in the Liberal Whip’s Office alongside Ed, Olly (now Baroness) Grender and Norman Baker when we went up to 2% in the polls. We cheered while Paddy joked we are no longer an asterix! Today we are in double figures despite more competition from other parties and forces.

I can recall a Parliamentary party meeting immediately after the 2005 general election when we won 51 seats, where Lorely (now Baroness) Burt suggested that what we lacked was a narrative for what we stood for, and despite some excellent work by Alan (now Lord) Beith on the subject of Liberalism, it is still awaiting an answer we can unite around.

The Guardian also reported that some MPs felt the Party was too academic. Isn’t that a good thing, so long as we don’t lose sight of the fact we aim to serve an electorate dominated more by practical than academic considerations.

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Iran: back the people, isolate the regime

Britain should stand with Iran’s protesters, not the regime. That means targeted pressure, democratic solidarity, and practical steps that actually bite.

Here’s what those practical steps should look like:

Proscribe the IRGC

We must treat the Revolutionary Guard as the terrorist apparatus it is. This means proscribing the group and closing loopholes that allow intimidation and fundraising networks to operate in Britain.

Expand targeted sanctions and sanction evasion

Britain must pursue the asset freezes and travel bans of regime officials, security leaders, and enablers of the regime. To ensure these sanctions hit, greater emphasis must be placed on cracking down on attempts to evade them, including but not limited to shipping, insurers, shell companies, and financial networks facilitating revenue flows.

Supporting communication access

The UK government must work to ensure internet resilience across Iran by enabling access to satellite internet via lawful procurement routes, coordinating with international partners, and supporting trusted NGOs involved in distribution. The UK must also look into the use and funding of circumvention services that allow Iranians to continue using the internet, like Psiphon and Tor bridges. We must also look to pay for this infrastructure to keep it resilient against regime tampering and develop a rapid adaptation plan when the regime blocks a route.

Enabling NGOs to get the truth out

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Tom Arms’ World Review

Nuclear weapons

In a few weeks—on 5 February 2026, to be exact—the 2010 New START Treaty will expire. For the first time since the early days of the Cold War, the world will be without a binding agreement limiting the world’s two largest nuclear arsenals.

The main reason for the treaty’s impending expiration is that neither the US nor Russia trusts the other. All such treaties rely on inspections to verify that signatories are upholding their end of the bargain. START inspections have ceased.

Washington and Moscow agreed to a mutual suspension of inspections in March 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, before the health crisis ended, Russia invaded Ukraine and the US imposed sanctions and travel restrictions. Moscow argued that these measures made inspections impossible and in August 2022 blocked US inspections. In February 2023, Russia formally suspended its participation in New START, effectively rendering the treaty unenforceable.

Both sides will soon be legally free to expand and deploy additional nuclear weapons. This includes the option to increase the number of warheads deployed on existing delivery systems, although it should be noted that New START already allowed multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicles (MIRVs) within overall limits.

There are no restrictions on missile defense systems under New START, so the treaty’s expiration does not remove any formal limits in this area. However, the absence of arms control constraints may encourage renewed emphasis on missile defense projects, including Donald Trump’s proposed “Golden Dome.” Vladimir Putin is also free to expand deployment of Russia’s S-500 Prometheus air- and missile-defense system, which focuses on protecting key installations rather than national coverage.

The treaty did place limits on delivery systems and deployed warheads, which indirectly constrained the deployment of emerging technologies. While hypersonic glide vehicles are not explicitly banned, they are counted under New START limits when mounted on intercontinental ballistic missiles. Their speed is meant to render missile defense systems redundant.

The New START Treaty was imperfect. It needed—and still needs—to be renegotiated to account for new technologies such as cyber warfare, space-based systems, and novel delivery vehicles. Nevertheless, its existence provided an element of stability and transparency that helped restrain the dynamics of Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) that once dominated nuclear strategy. MAD rules again.

Climate change

Slipping under the geopolitical radar at the start of 2026 was another major blow to climate change activists.

Venezuela, Epstein, Minneapolis and Iran meant that few noticed when Donald Trump signed a batch of 60 Executive Orders which included US withdrawal from the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC).

The UNFCC was adopted in 1992 at the Rio Earth Summit. It commits the signatories to limiting greenhouse gas emissions; introducing measures to adapt to climate change; sharing data and technology  and meeting regularly.

But perhaps most importantly, the UNFCC is the umbrella treaty under which all subsequent agreements are designed to sit. American withdrawal ensures non-US compliance in the 1997 Kyoto Protocol and the 2015 Paris Climate Change Accord.

Trump’s edirective, however, may not be the end of the matter. US law requires a one-year’s cooling off period before Congress approves withdrawal. Before the year is up the US will have held mid-term elections and the political complexion of Congress is likely to have changed.

By the way, the batch of 60 Executive Orders included issues related climate change, biodiversity, migration, fender, development and population changes.

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How could a coalition work?

Britain faces the grave threat of a Reform-led Trumpist Government in a hung parliament after the next election.  Lord William Wallace recently discussed a Labour / Lib Dem / Green Coalition as a potential winning alternative.  Many commenters on LDV supported the idea, while recognising substantial difficulties.  

Coalition won’t happen unless it is meticulously debated, planned, and wargamed in advance.  Here, I seek to start this ball rolling.

A first question: If a larger Party offers a smaller Party the Deputy Premiership, plus a key “Quad” Coalition Governing Committee with 2 members from each Party, is that fair?  The answer is no.  That’s what Clegg and Cameron agreed in 2010.  Cameron, as permanent PM, then ran rings around Clegg, trashing his voting-system referendum and much else, and leaving the Lib Dems the big losers in 2015.  Don’t let’s help Labour do likewise.

In Coalition, junior partner/s often get screwed.  That’s when they fail to play hardball, accept superficially fair deals which won’t work out that way, and stumble into under-planned agreements with a mishmash of “red” lines which only get overturned.  Let’s not do that.

Back in 2010, anti-Tory Lib Dems like myself pilloried Clegg for selling out principles for the sake of Ministerial limousines.  In hindsight, that particular criticism was wrong-headed.  Power is what matters.  When you have power, then you can insist on implementing your principles.  Not the other way round.

Spare a thought for the Greens, who might well out-poll Labour, yet win far fewer seats.  We need their enthusiasm, idealism, and drive.  Frankly, we also need Green supporters to vote tactically, secure in the belief that helping a prospective Coalition partner beat Reform will advance their own cause.  How can we persuade Polanski that this will also work well for him?  The answer must be – Offer him a decent deal.  

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Why Iran’s protesters matter for peace in the Middle East

Across Iran, brave men and women are once again risking their freedom – and their lives – to protest against one of the most repressive regimes in the world. Their demands are clear and unambiguous: basic liberty, accountability, and an end to rule by fear. These aspirations should resonate deeply with liberals everywhere. They also have far-reaching implications beyond Iran’s borders, including for the prospects of peace in the Middle East.

The Islamic Republic of Iran is not simply a domestic authoritarian state. It is a dangerous and insidious Islamist actor whose ideology and actions have destabilised the region for decades. The protesters on Iran’s streets understand that their struggle is not only about social or economic grievances, but about ending a system that represses its own people while exporting extremism abroad.

A fundamental change in Iran would be transformative for regional stability. Tehran has consistently worked to undermine any realistic prospect of peace between Israelis and Palestinians, not out of concern for Palestinian welfare, but because reconciliation would weaken its influence. Through sustained financial, military and ideological support for Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis, Iran has fuelled conflict, entrenched rejectionism and prolonged violence.

The removal of this malign influence would not in itself resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, but it would eliminate one of its most determined spoilers. Without Iranian backing, armed groups dedicated to perpetual conflict would be significantly weakened, and the political space for dialogue, compromise and co-existence would expand. A Middle East less shaped by Tehran’s revolutionary agenda would be one with greater opportunity for peace.

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When discomfort becomes law

How an employment tribunal turned prejudice into principle and left trans workers with nowhere to go.

Friday’s employment tribunal judgment in Hutchison v County Durham NHS Trust should concern anyone who cares about liberty and equality. The tribunal found that allowing a trans woman to use the women’s changing room at work constituted harassment of her cisgender colleagues. The reasoning is sophisticated. The implications are dangerous.

Rose Henderson, a trans woman working as an NHS practitioner, used the women’s changing room in line with her employer’s policy. Eight nurses objected. The tribunal ruled the policy unlawful – not because Rose did anything wrong (they explicitly found no improper behaviour) but because her presence created a “hostile environment”.

If Rose’s conduct wasn’t harassing, how does permission for it become harassing? The tribunal never adequately explains because the honest answer is uncomfortable: trans women’s bodies in women’s spaces are treated as inherently violating.

The flawed legal reasoning

The judgment extends For Women Scotland – a narrow Supreme Court case about gender statistics – to workplace facilities without proper analysis. Different statutes serve different purposes. What works for data collection doesn’t necessarily work for changing rooms.

Worse, the tribunal gave Rose’s rights barely a sentence whilst devoting pages to the nurses’ distress. Rose’s dignity gets acknowledged in passing; the nurses’ discomfort gets elevated to legal harm.

Why liberals should be concerned

It confuses discomfort with harm. The nurses were uncomfortable with Rose’s “masculine appearance”, her “stubble”, her being “sexually active”. These are prejudiced judgments about whose bodies are acceptable. Liberalism doesn’t validate discomfort rooted in prejudice. If it did, every minority right would violate majority dignity.

It applies majoritarian logic to rights. The tribunal emphasises 300 women shared the changing room. But rights don’t work by counting heads. Numbers can measure impact, not legitimacy of objection. This judgment amplifies prejudice rather than assesses harm.

It leaves trans people nowhere to go. Trans women cannot use women’s facilities (violates regulations), cannot use men’s facilities (violates dignity), have no right to alternatives. Even alternatives would visibly out them. The judgment creates impossible situations.

The employer’s dilemma

Though not binding, this judgment shapes how employers understand risk. The message: inclusion is risky, exclusion is safe. Trans workers become problems to manage rather than colleagues with rights.

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Observations of an Expat: Iran

The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRNA) reckons that since the start of the year 2,500 protesters have been killed in Iran.

Most of them have been shot on the street. Others have been dragged to hastily convened special courts and sentenced to hang.

In 2024, a relatively quiet year for Iranian protests, the regime strung up 1,000-plus people for the crime of vociferously expressing their views. Iran is only second behind China (several thousand) in the world execution stakes.

US President Donald Trump has promised action against the regime if the killings continue. He refuses to specify what action, but he has said that America is “locked and loaded.”  The US and Britain also withdrew all non-essential military personnel from the region.

Towards the end of the week, Trump appeared to back away from his earlier threats. Possibly because his military leaders were warning him about involvement in another Middle Eastern war and the fact that regional allies Qatar and Saudi Arabia have refused to support him.

The son of the late Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, has said he is planning a return to his country and demonstrators have been chanting his name. Pahlavi says he wants to organise a referendum on what type of government the Iranian people want.

The regime has imposed a complete internet blackout in an attempt to disrupt communications between protest groups and communications with the outside world.  Chief Justice Gholamhossain Mohseni-Ejei has threatened “swift and harsh” justice.

Many are predicting that the repressive theocracy that has ruled Iran for 47 years is about to end. Maybe, maybe not.

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The cancellation, not postponement, of local elections in Welwyn Hatfield

I simply can’t and I won’t accept it. In my view, cancelling elections is undemocratic, unrepresentative and illiberal.

As I was preparing for the Special Council meeting, which was organised in Welwyn Hatfield on Thursday, 15 January, to discuss and vote on a possible cancellation of the local elections in Welwyn Hatfield in May 2026, I received a text message from a friend of mine, who lives in London. It said:

“I feel moved to share my recent experience with you, Yesterday, the news from Iran left my wife totally devastated. Among 12,000 shot was one of her distant relatives, a 36 year women”. I responded immediately to say that my thoughts and prayers are with my friend, his wife and her family in Iran.

Also this week, I called my mum and I asked a rather unusual question. I wanted to know whether my mum remembers how she and others were able (or not) to vote in Poland during the years of communism. “Interestingly”, she was able to vote, however voting was almost always going one way. Non participation in an election could mean imprisonment, but also other consequences e.g. like in my father’s case threats and possible removal from University.

When I was 11 or 12, I remember the excitement of the first, free and open democratic elections in Poland, when the Berlin Wall collapsed. I don’t remember it vaguely, I remember it so well, almost like they happened yesterday.

I strongly believe that an ability for residents to cast their vote at the ballot box can’t be taken for granted, as it is one of the fundamental principles of any democracy. Moreover, democracy is a huge privilege and a massive responsibility.

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It’s time to get #RoyOnTheCard

For too long, a great injustice has existed within our party; some say, within our society. Across Britain, calls for reform on this issue have been dismissed. As a proud liberal and social democrat, I cannot sit back and allow it to go on any longer.

I am, of course, talking about the fact that Roy Jenkins isn’t an option for our membership cards.

On a more serious note, I would love to have Roy Jenkins added as an option. He’s a political hero of mine for the success he achieved as Home Secretary; decriminalising homosexuality, abolishing capital punishment, removing theatre censorship, liberalising abortion laws, to name just a few. But not only that, he took the brave step of leaving the Labour Party, helped found a new centre-left party, and played an integral role in the formation of the Liberal Democrats.

As it stands, the options for membership card covers we have are:

  • Voting at conference
  • Pride
  • Charles Kennedy
  • Dadabhai Naoroji
  • Ed Davey
  • Jane Dodds
  • Jo Swinson
  • Kirsty Williams
  • Layla Moran
  • Lynne Featherstone
  • Margaret Wintringham
  • Nick Clegg
  • Paddy Ashdown
  • Shirley Williams – one of the “Gang of Four” members who joined Roy Jenkins to break away from Labour!
  • Violet Bonham-Carter
  • Willie Rennie

With all these options, it would make perfect sense for arguably one of the most, if not the most, transformative Home Secretaries in modern history.

That’s why I’m launching an online campaign to get #RoyOnTheCard.

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ALDC by-election report, 15th January

This week saw the first principal authority by‑elections of 2026, with two contests taking place in England. Both carried more weight than a routine vacancy: in each case, the result would determine the balance of power within the council, giving these early‑year elections a significance well beyond the usual by-elections.

We start in the historic city of York, where Labour have successfully retained both this seat and overall control of the council.  However, their majority drastically decreased, as us, Reform and the Greens all improved on prior performances here. Well done to Ian Eiloart and the local team for improving our vote share by over 10 percent.

City of York Council, Heworth
Labour: 1,096 (36.7%, –27.5)
Reform UK: 601 (20.1%, new)
Green Party: 591 (19.8%, +4.4)
Liberal Democrats (Ian Eiloart): 528 (17.7%, +10.2)
Conservative: 118 (4.0%, –8.8)
Independent: 49 (1.6%, New)

Labour HOLD

Turnout: 31.6%

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Starmerism and the art of avoiding conflict

There is something corrosive happening in British politics. Not in any single policy decision, nor in any one government department, but in the way governing itself now seems to unfold with these latest U-turns. U-turns are not, in themselves, a sign of bad government. Sometimes they reflect learning, listening, or legitimate correction. But when reversals become habitual and almost ritual; they point to a more serious problem: a politics that has lost confidence in its own ability to persuade.

This provokes a very deep question: Are we becoming ungovernable?

In a country that feels increasingly fractious, and perhaps voters that might something you’d hear from a “Yes, Minister” episode ‘unreasonable’—but I think more broadly it comes down to this; politics has lost the art to argue, persuade, and inform.

With the latest U-turn on ID cards on top of the recent U-turn on business rates on pubs and then on the farmers tax; all policies I am glad they amended or dropped; much ink has been spilt on describing Starmerism as managerialism politics with seemingly lost the capacity to manage. Managerial politics, at least in its classic European technocratic sense, while yes technocratic all involved something crucial: the willingness to stick with unpopular decisions under the claim—sometimes arrogant, sometimes justified—that the experts knew best and benefits would follow in time.

Seeming here in the UK, we see not a technocracy but a politics hollowed out by hyper-responsiveness. A governing style so attuned to opinion polls, and social media sentiment that it has lost any sense of anchor. Policy announced, floated by rough seas of public reception, before immediately being parachuted out before the ship sailed—less like a programme for government and more like A/B test.

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The liberal case for BBC independence

The BBC faces two existential crises. The first is obvious: the licence fee is dying. Younger audiences don’t watch linear TV. Coverage is declining. Enforcement costs over £100m annually to prosecute people who can’t afford £174.50. Within a decade, the model collapses completely.

The second crisis is worse: nobody trusts the BBC’s independence anymore. And why would they? Ministers appoint the Board. The government sets funding levels. Every charter renewal becomes a hostage negotiation where editorial freedom trades for financial survival. Trust in BBC impartiality has fallen 15 points since 2018. The public sees the strings.

Charter renewal in 2027 offers the chance to fix both problems structurally. Not tinkering with board composition or modest fee reforms, but genuine liberal reform: progressive funding and democratic independence.

Replace the Poll Tax with progressive taxation

The licence fee is a regressive poll tax. A nurse and a banker pay the same £174.50 regardless of income. That’s illiberal and unsustainable. We should replace it with a Digital Services Tax on companies profiting from content infrastructure.

Netflix, YouTube, Meta, Amazon, Disney+, Spotify: these corporations extract billions from UK users whilst routing profits through tax havens. Make them contribute, with 3-5% on UK revenues over £25m, and infrastructure providers and device manufacturers paying lower rates.

This raises £2bn annually. Combined with BBC Studios’ commercial revenue (£1.5-2bn from international sales), that’s £3.5-4bn total, which maintains current funding levels.

The liberal case is straightforward: progressive taxation replacing regressive levies. Those with greatest capacity pay proportionally more. Nobody gets criminalised for being poor. Universal access replaces means-tested exclusion.

Plus, it’s popular. Taxing profitable tech corporations polls well across the spectrum. And it’s sustainable: revenue scales with the growth of the digital economy, with no political negotiations required.

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Iran: no more excuses

The Islamic Republic of Iran’s theocratic dictatorship has, so far, murdered at least 2,400 protestors. That is the latest report from human rights groups monitoring the situation. This is on top of the expected execution of 26-year-old Erfan Soltani for the crime of exercising his right to protest peacefully.

As previously stated in my piece, “In praise of destabilising tyranny“, it has been incredibly encouraging to see and hear Ed Davey be so vocal about his support for the Iranian protestors, as well as hearing the UK government voice its support and Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch, too. This is an issue that transcends political boundaries and strikes at the heart of our principles: democracy, human rights, and freedom.

It is with that same sentiment that I believe, on the matter of Iran, Donald Trump is right to strongarm the theocratic regime into backing down on executing citizens, and openly supporting Iranian citizens.

A jarring statement, for sure. There is so much that Trump has done and is doing that is beyond contempt, and he is by no means a good man. But multiple moralities can co-exist in the same space: Trump is wrong for his desire to capture Greenland, his isolationist approach to handling Venezuela, his appeasement of Russia, his multiple felonies, on top of literally everything else he has said and done. But on this particular issue, when it comes to tackling the Ayatollah’s dictatorship, he is right, and we would be right to stand with him.

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Beware the centre

I am allergic to attempts to define Liberalism and the role of Liberal Democrats in terms of “the centre”.  If I thought Liberal Democrats were only aspiring to be a centre party I would have left years ago. More than sixty years ago I joined a party whose leader regularly described the Liberals as a “non-socialist radical alternative.”

In recent years the left/right terminology (which goes back to the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century) has become even less useful than it was in the Grimond era. The same may be said of “centre-ism.” Even if we take seriously the old left/right spectrum, the centre is a slippery place for doing politics because it moves as parties move who may or may not see themselves as in the centre.

I think the “One Nation Conservatives” who are now becoming an endangered species, understand this. They see themselves as belonging to a mainstream Conservative tradition for whom crude populism is anathema whether it is expressed through Reform or from within their own Conservative party.

I suspect the temptation to want to occupy some sort of centre ground belongs to a pattern now coming to end in which politics was dominated by Labour and Conservative parties who expected to get their turn at governing. This went with a see-saw model. For a sizeable chunk of the electorate it was relatively easy to see Liberals as the party which was not Labour or Conservative.

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International law is broken

This week’s reports of Iranian security forces machine-gunning down scores of unarmed protestors, apparently including children and teenagers must surely strike a chill in the heart of any liberal.  How can this be allowed to happen in the 21st Century? Meanwhile, the US military action in Venezuela has attracted widespread condemnation as a breach of International Law, despite Maduro’s Government being widely recognised as authoritarian and morally illegitimate.

In moral terms, the Iranian regime is little different from a bunch of criminal thugs with guns, killing whomever they please. But in International Law, they are the legitimate Government (largely by virtue of, they are the ones who managed to seize control in the country), and therefore international law sides with the thugs, not with the people being killed.  Just as on the other side of the World in Venezuela, International law condemns the removal of a dictator who has driven a quarter of his own people into exile as refugees!

Why is this? Well, Article 2(4) of the UN Charter enshrines a near-absolute prohibition on the use of force, subject only to self-defence or Security Council authorisation, which is next to impossible to achieve under the veto system. It’s written that way because it’s designed to stop tanks crossing borders: to prevent wars between nations, reflecting the concerns of the 1940s, rather than to protect people from trigger-happy governments. The unfortunate upshot is that when a state massacres its own citizens, international law permits other states to do little more than investigate or condemn. And mere condemnation is impotence if the law does not permit any action that might actually be effective in protecting the people being massacred.

Worse still, the Security Council veto system is no accident. It was deliberately designed to give a handful of powerful states permanent control over when international law is enforced, thereby protecting the interests of those states.

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Bravery in the open

The plates of British politics are drifting like never before, populism on the right and the left  creating a chasm at the heart of the centre ground; now is the time to sprint towards it, claim it, and take the once in a generation opportunity to become the radical centre. Being noticed doesn’t need to be the next stunt, great ideas will suffice.

In an era defined by uncertainty, Liberal Democrats face a defining challenge: whether to speak plainly and bravely about the issues that most shape people’s lives and suggest radical reforms, even when those issues are complex, controversial, politically challenging, or indeed, a combination of these. Immigration, the economy, defence, health and yes – the welfare state, are not easy topics. They provoke strong emotions, expose internal disagreements, and invite fierce scrutiny. But they are precisely the areas where clear, liberal values are most needed in today’s Britain, and where populism is currently winning on messaging.

For too long, politics has rewarded evasion in a world dominated by the boiled down semblance of detail. Soundbites replace substance, and difficult trade-offs are glossed over in favour of comforting slogans. Yet voters are not naïve. They understand that governing a modern country involves choices, compromises, and sometimes uncomfortable truths. A party that is honest about this can earn trust—even from those who disagree. However, clarity and decisiveness are imperative in the face of populism, messaging on the country’s biggest issues is where we are often left wanting.

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Mathew on Monday: why X must be held to account over Grok

I was on GB News early this morning, setting out why I agree with Ed Davey that X should be suspended, pending an investigation into Grok.

Some readers may not relish the idea of me appearing on GB News. It is a channel many liberals feel uncomfortable with, and not without reason, but liberal voices simply cannot afford to be absent from platforms we find awkward, or from debates where the loudest contributions too often go unchallenged. If we genuinely believe in open argument, democratic accountability, and the contest of ideas, which I hope we do, then we have to be prepared to show up-not just where it is easy to do so, but where it is difficult.

That is why I’m grateful to have appeared on The Late Show Live with Ben Leo a little after midnight, debating with the IEA’s Reem Ibrahim to make the calm, liberal case for why X should indeed be temporarily suspended until it gets its house in order over Grok.

Predictably, the response from some was to cry “censorship” and invoke “free speech” as though it were an absolute trump card.

But liberalism is not libertarianism and has never meant free speech without responsibility. Free expression does not exist in a vacuum. It sits alongside other liberal values: consent, dignity, accountability, and the rule of law. When powerful actors ignore these values, it is not illiberal to respond – it is necessary.

At the heart of the current controversy is Grok, X’s AI system, and the way it has been rolled out without adequate safeguards, transparency, or ethical restraint. This is not about being hostile to technology. Liberalism does not fear innovation. But it does insist that power – whether political, corporate, or technological – is exercised responsibly and is subject to scrutiny.

What makes the Grok issue particularly disturbing is what it allows in practice. Users are able to generate/change/distort images of real people (of all ages) without any meaningful form of consent from those being depicted. These images can be misleading, degrading, or sexualised. This is not a hypothetical concern or a fringe misuse. It is exploitation, plain and simple-the digital appropriation of people’s likenesses without their permission, control, or recourse.

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The Uprating Asymmetry: a case for consistent protection

Last week, I opined in these pages that intergenerational fairness should be a liberal priority. A commenter rightly challenged my suggestion that pensions be linked to CPI: poverty is measured relative to median earnings, not inflation. CPI-linking would let pensioners fall below the poverty line even as their purchasing power held steady — precisely what happened after 1980.

The correction clarified my thinking. If relative poverty matters — and it does — then benefits should track earnings, not just prices. The triple lock gets this right for pensioners. We should extend the same logic to everyone else.

* * *

I should acknowledge I muddled two concepts worth distinguishing. Destitution is absolute — the inability to afford essentials like heating, food, and shelter. Poverty, as officially measured, is relative — household income below 60% of the median. A person whose basic bills are covered is not destitute. But fall below that threshold and you are, by definition, poor: unable to afford what society considers normal.

That exclusion is real. It shows up as hesitation over a grandchild’s birthday present, or quiet withdrawal from social life. The triple lock exists because we decided pensioners should not face exclusion.

The mechanism embodies a sound principle: benefits should keep pace with living standards, not merely with prices. The earnings link achieves this. The CPI floor provides protection against inflation shocks. These two elements — earnings-tracking with inflation protection — form defensible policy.

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