Category Archives: Op-eds

Did the Party accidentally vote for a Surveillance State?

A social media ban for under-16s is a controversial topic, it’s a measure many consider authoritarian, but some see the potential value; after all, social media has been linked to declining mental health in children. But a ban would be the worst solution, not only due to the fact it could disconnect vulnerable children from their communities as others have already warned, but because it is in fact a potential national security risk. Banning Social Media for under-16s could only work in one way; through the establishment of mass-surveillance.

As we have already seen with the need for ID to view content for over-18s, this surveillance state would not be Government owned, but outsourced to private companies. This is dangerous for a few reasons, most obviously being that these companies already collect and sell our data for a profit to whoever wants to push their agenda, whether that be harmless advertising or more worryingly, political manipulation. Additionally, whichever company got hold of all this data would instantly become a focal point for data breachers who would want access to a whole range of private accounts, from your bank account to your phone.

Sarah Kunst, who is involved with several Lib Dem donor groups had the following to say to me on the topic:

I invest in cybersecurity and the ban has me freaking out because the only way to enforce it is handing over all biometric data and IDs to companies like Persona (backed by Peter Thiel, already gives info to the US Government). It will be the biggest betrayal of British people possibly ever because, if there is a hack of the biometric database, it will mean that everyone is forever compromised (unless you get new eyes!) and the fraud vector is unimaginable. I truly think supporting it is treasonous and I cannot fathom how security services didn’t shut this horrific idea down.

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From Devon to York: why the Conference Access Fund matters

I arrived in York late on Friday night after a long drive up from Devon, tired but excited. By Saturday morning, that excitement had to do some heavy lifting, the journey had taken its toll. But a gentle drive through the Yorkshire countryside, past Selby and into the city, was enough to reset my energy. Conference weekend had begun.

Walking into the Barbican, I was immediately struck by the scale. Having attended Welsh conferences before, I thought I knew what to expect, but this was something else entirely. Busier, louder, and full of excitement. I started in the exhibition hall, spending some time at the Liberal Democrat Disability Association (LDDA) stall, before taking a lap of the venue to get my bearings (a necessary task, as it turned out!).

One of the first things I did was head across the city to a training session on “Winning against the Greens.” We rightly spend a lot of time discussing how to challenge the far-right, but this session explored another growing political reality: the rise of left-wing and far-left support. As a trade unionist, I see this shift up close. With disaffiliation from Labour being discussed increasingly in some unions, there is a real opportunity, and responsibility, for the Liberal Democrats to present a credible alternative: rooted in evidence, compassion, and liberal values, not populism.

Back at the Barbican, it was time for one of the moments I had been most invested in: the debate on policy motion F12. As a member of the Liberal Democrat Psychoactive Policy Group, I had been involved in work behind the scenes to strengthen the motion, particularly to include pharmacologically assisted therapies, such as psilocybin. When I was unexpectedly called to speak early in the debate, it became my first speech at Federal Conference. I spoke from lived experience, both as a mental health patient and as someone working within mental health services, about why these treatments matter, and why this is a fundamentally liberal approach to policy. I also referenced the recent Welsh Liberal Democrat motion supporting medical cannabis patients, highlighting how our party can lead with compassion and evidence.

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Education in 2050: Preparing Today for Tomorrow’s Schools

Imagine a classroom where every student is learning something different, guided by technology that adapts instantly to their needs. Some collaborate with peers across the world, while others receive tailored support from artificial intelligence tutors. The teacher is no longer delivering a single lesson to the whole class, but acting as a mentor, supporting creativity, discussion, and critical thinking. This is not a distant fantasy, but a realistic picture of education in 2050.

The schools of the future will look very different from those many of us remember. Traditional models: rows of desks, fixed timetables, and a heavy reliance on memorisation; are already evolving. By 2050, education is likely to be more personalised, more connected, and more closely aligned with the demands of a rapidly changing world. The challenge for governments today is not whether change will come, but whether they are prepared to shape it.

A defining feature of future education will be personalised learning. Advances in artificial intelligence will allow lessons to adapt in real time to each student’s progress. Instead of moving at the same pace, learners will receive support or acceleration as needed. This approach has the potential to make education both more effective and more equitable, ensuring that no student is left behind or held back.

Technology will also transform the role of teachers. Rather than serving primarily as sources of information, teachers will increasingly become facilitators of learning. Digital tools will assist with grading, feedback, and routine tasks, freeing up time for educators to focus on developing students’ creativity, critical thinking, and emotional intelligence. In this way, technology will enhance, rather than replace, the human element of teaching.

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President Bola Tinubu ‘s state visit to the United Kingdom, a Nigerian Liberal Democrat’s take on it. 

President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria came to the United Kingdom for a State visit from 18th to 19th March. This is a historic event as it is the first state visit by a Nigerian leader since 1989, when then military head of state Ibrahim Babangida was received by late Queen Elizabeth II. President Tinubu is the first Nigerian president to receive a state visit since the return of democracy to Nigerian in 1999. Considering the historic relationship of Nigerian and United Kingdom as Nigeria is a former colony, and Nigeria itself as a key player in the African continent and most populous black nation in the world, the visit signals a thawing of relationship between the two nations, which can only be a good thing for the two nations. 

Is it as simple as that? Is it all positive and we can all clap and cheer for this positive move in global geopolitics? No, hold the champagne and let’s examine the implications and the issues that this visit tries to gloss over. The impression that this visit gives is that Nigeria is doing well and that this administration has turned things around for the citizenry. Nothing could be further from the truth. Nigeria is worse off by every measure since the All Progressive Congress (APC) party of Tinubu took over in 2015 under former president Buhari, now late. And since Tinubu himself took over in 2023, things have gotten even worse; terrorism has continued to rise, kidnapping, banditry, economonic hardship, corruption and mismanagement of resources have all become all too common, to the point of being routine in Nigeria. Nigeria has always been known as a corrupt nation; it was former PM David Cameron who famously said that Nigeria was fantastically corrupt under Buhari’s APC administration, but it would now be argued that the government under Tinubu has made corruption under Buhari seem like a dress rehearsal. 

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Rape cannot depend on politics – a liberal lesson from 7th October

Liberal Democrats believe in universal human rights. The response to evidence of sexual violence on 7th October should be straightforward. Yet too often, when the victims are Israelis, the instinct to “believe survivors” suddenly becomes contested.

If rape is used as a weapon of war, liberals should have no difficulty condemning it. That should be true whether the victims are in Bosnia, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of Congo – or Israel. And yet, in the aftermath of the 7th October attacks, a disturbing double standard has appeared in parts of Western political debate. Evidence that women were sexually assaulted during the massacre has not been met everywhere with solidarity or outrage, but with hesitation, scepticism and, in some cases, outright denial. For those of us who believe in universal human rights, that should be deeply troubling. If recognition of sexual violence depends on the politics of the conflict, the principle itself is hollow.

The attacks carried out by Hamas that day were among the worst terrorist atrocities in modern history. Around 1,200 people were murdered, and hundreds more taken hostage. Alongside the killings, evidence quickly emerged that sexual violence – including rape – had taken place during the assault. Investigators, journalists, first responders and eventually international bodies reported signs that women had been sexually assaulted during the attacks and while in captivity. And this week, the 7th October Parliamentary Commission publishes its second report into the atrocities committed that day. Its work matters because documentation and evidence are the foundation of accountability. Without them, atrocities risk being lost in political argument and misinformation.

For decades, progressives rightly pushed for a cultural shift in how societies respond to allegations of sexual violence. Survivors were too often dismissed, interrogated or disbelieved. Feminist activism taught that survivors should not be met first with scepticism, but with seriousness and compassion. Yet when Israeli women are among the victims, the standards of belief suddenly appear to change. Some who would normally insist on listening now demand levels of proof rarely available after mass atrocities. Where are the police reports, they ask. Where is the forensic evidence? Where are the witnesses willing to testify publicly? Anyone familiar with conflict-related sexual violence knows why those questions are so difficult to answer. Many victims were murdered. Crime scenes were not preserved because emergency workers were focused on saving lives and recovering bodies. Families understandably wish to protect dignity and privacy. These challenges are tragically common in wartime atrocities and precisely why international law has evolved to investigate and prosecute sexual violence in conflict through tribunals and the International Criminal Court. To treat them as evidence that crimes did not occur risks undermining that entire system.

Our Party is committed to liberal internationalism, so the response should be simple. Sexual violence in conflict is a grave violation of humanitarian law. It must be investigated wherever it occurs and whoever commits it. If we demand accountability in some conflicts but dismiss allegations in others because they complicate politics, we erode the credibility of the entire human rights system. The rule of law cannot function on selective outrage. Nor can feminist foreign policy succeed if empathy depends on the identity of the victim. Recognising sexual violence as a weapon of war and supporting survivors wherever it appears is not optional. Anything less is partisanship, not feminism.

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Why Liberal Democrats should back cooperative housing

In my last article, I argued that democratic capitalism should not stop at the ballot box. But the argument should not stop at the workplace either. If Liberal Democrats care about dispersing power, we should care about housing too.

For liberals, that means resisting concentrations of power. For liberal social democrats, it also means asking whether ordinary people have sufficient security, voice, and control within the institutions that shape their daily lives. Housing is one of the clearest tests of that question.

Housing is not just another market commodity. It shapes security, family life, community belonging, and whether people feel they have any real control over the conditions of their lives.

That is why housing cooperatives deserve more attention. They allow residents to become collective stakeholders in the places they live, rather than passive recipients of decisions made elsewhere. Their appeal is not just economic; it’s about empowering people through democratic control and shared governance, giving them a meaningful say in their communities. Recognising housing as a key site of power should inspire us to act for a fairer distribution of influence and security.

That speaks directly to a liberal social-democratic concern. A fair society should not rely solely on redistribution after the fact. It should also build institutions that spread power, widen security, and give people a stake from the outset. In housing, that means looking beyond the narrow choice between an overcentralised state and a speculative market, and taking seriously models based on shared control and mutual responsibility.

There is a strong case for community politics in cooperatives. They help keep resources rooted locally, reduce wealth leakage, and foster stability and self-reliance. Supporting them can strengthen political efficacy and economic resilience, a point that should resonate with those who believe in empowering local communities.

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From parking spaces to living spaces: the opportunity hiding in NCP’s collapse

National Car Parks entered administration this week, and the coverage has followed a predictable script: jobs at risk, iconic brand in trouble, another casualty of post-pandemic Britain. All true. But the real story isn’t about what’s being lost. It’s about what could be gained.

NCP operates 340 car parks across the UK – at airports, hospitals, railway stations, and city centres. That’s 200,000 parking spaces sitting on some of the most strategically located urban land in the country. Land with road access, public transport links, and existing planning permissions for intensive use. And right now, it’s available at a fraction of its market value.

The government should be picking up the phone.

What killed NCP – and why it matters

The company’s debts exceeded its assets by £305 million. Demand for city-centre parking never recovered to pre-pandemic levels, and NCP was locked into long-term, inflexible leases on sites it couldn’t afford to operate. The business model broke because people’s behaviour changed: more remote working, fewer commuter journeys, a gradual shift away from the car-dependent patterns that made NCP profitable for nine decades.

This isn’t a temporary blip. It’s a structural correction. And structural corrections create structural opportunities – if someone is willing to act.

The opportunity: triage, don’t rescue

The case isn’t for bailing out a failed business. It’s for acquiring a portfolio of strategically important land and infrastructure out of administration at distressed prices, then putting it to work for the public good.

A sensible approach would triage the sites into three categories. First, the essential infrastructure: car parks at hospitals, airports, and major transport hubs where parking isn’t a convenience but a necessity. These should be acquired and leased to local authorities or NHS trusts to operate, generating revenue while protecting access to critical public services.

Second, and this is where it gets exciting, the city-centre sites where parking demand has permanently declined. These are large, flat plots or multi-storey structures on generous footprints, sitting in exactly the locations where Britain most desperately needs social housing. The land is already serviced, already accessible, and already zoned for intensive use. Mixed-use development with retained ground-floor parking could serve both needs simultaneously.

Third, sites that are neither strategically important nor suitable for housing get sold back into the private market, with the proceeds helping fund the first two categories.

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Democratic capitalism should not stop at the ballot box

Liberal Democrats are, at our best, a party of power and of how it is used, utilising social-democratic and liberal ideas.

We have long understood that freedom is not secured simply by declaring rights. It depends on how power is distributed across society; who holds it, who can challenge it, and whether it is accountable. That instinct has shaped our commitment to constitutional reform, civil liberties, and the decentralisation of the state.

But there is one area where this liberal insight remains underdeveloped: the economy.

We pride ourselves on living in a democratic society. Yet for most people, the place where they spend a third of their lives, the workplace, remains one of the least democratic institutions they encounter. Decisions about how work is organised, how profits are distributed, and how firms are run are typically made without meaningful input from those most affected.

Traditional social democrats have responded to this through trade unions, and rightly so. Unions remain an essential part of a fair economy, giving workers a voice and protection within existing structures. But even at its best, this model operates within a system that separates labour from ownership, requiring workers to organise collectively to negotiate with those who ultimately hold power.

A liberal social-democratic approach invites us to go one step further. It asks not only how we protect workers within the system, but how we design the system itself so that power is more evenly distributed from the outset.

This is where worker cooperatives deserve renewed attention.

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Why Liberals must extinguish the so-called ‘Culture Wars’ 

On Tuesday afternoon, I found myself scrolling Twitter – as one does (even if it invokes a sense of despair) – and could not help but feel disgusted by how so many speak of their peers. Social media has always brought out antisocial tendencies in some people, and it’s a well-studied psychological phenomenon. Except I’m not sure it’s just a phenomenon anymore. While most people in the real world are relatively nice and prosocial, over the last few years we have seen grievance politics bleed into the real world – with dangerous consequences

In the wake of the Southport murders, in which three poor little girls had their lives stolen from them, we saw how communities clashed with one another. People were whipped up by opportunists and hate merchants, many took to the streets and looted shops, attacked police officers, Mosques were vandalised – and people tried to set fire to a hotel housing asylum seekers. Every society faces moments where people are angry, where social cohesion is fracturing, and where people weaponize discontent for their own benefit. But this is growing out of control.

Just before I started writing this I saw a tweet from Nick Timothy, the Tory MP for West Suffolk and Shadow Justice Secretary. He attached to this tweet a video of Muslims praying in Trafalgar Square, including Sadiq Khan, and unapologetically called it an “act of domination and division”. This rhetoric isn’t just confined to the darkest corners where the far-right mingle, but it is being espoused by Members of Parliament, and being fuelled by bots, trolls, and agitators. While this may seem hyperbolic to some, I fear that this poses a grave threat to all of us, and it’s worth taking seriously.

I don’t care about whether a badger is put on a bank note, and nor should our party’s leader. We should not give oxygen to petty, transient squabbles published in tabloids, but we seriously need to consider how we address this breakdown in social cohesion. It is simply not enough to abstractly call out Reform’s divisive politics, and it does not stand up for those being affected by the culture war politics of today. We should have no fear in holding people like Nick Timothy MP to account, nor should we sit by and let outrage merchants tarnish social cohesion for profit.

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The Green Threat

A post on X from Luke Tryl, the UK Director of More in Common, the other day changed how I viewed the rise of the Green Party. The post was in response to the latest polling from Ipsos, which had us sitting on just 9%, the lowest we’ve polled since the 2024 General Election. 

In the post he said, ‘If the Lib Dems go into May with the Greens eating at their progressive flank it could well limit their gains in e.g. the new East and West Surrey councils, Sussex and other south east districts’. As a longstanding member in Sussex this obviously concerned me, so I set about trying to disprove his notion.

Unfortunately, I now believe he may be correct. Firstly, while we often think of the rise of the Greens eating away at the Labour vote, which it most certainly is, our polling is not untouched. According to YouGov, those who voted Lib Dem at the 2024 election, and say they will again, stood at 80% in May 2025 but now sit at only 68%. While this is better than most other parties, only 44% of 2024 Labour voters say they’ll vote for the party again; it is a notable shift in our polling. Almost all of this change has been caused by the Greens, with only 3% of 2024 Lib Dems saying they’d vote for the Greens in May 2025 to now, when the figure stands at 17%.

The steady march of the Greens amongst 2024 Lib Dems is likely to pose real problems in the local elections. While it isn’t likely the Greens will take seats from us, it is possible they will prevent us from making gains by splitting our vote and allowing Reform or a wounded Conservative Party to slip through the middle. In Sussex, signs of this happening were occurring even before Zack Polanski took over the Greens. At Horsham District Council’s Denne by-election in November 2024, a strong showing from the Greens meant that a safe Lib Dem ward was gained by the Tories. A similar story occurred at Arun District Council’s Marine by-election, where Reform gained the seat, with us placing a close second due to the Greens standing a candidate for the first time. 

With the Greens now having a stronger base of voters, they are more likely to cause us damage in places like Sussex, where we need to be making gains to consolidate our General Election wins. 

Other polling also paints a difficult picture. While Ed Davey has remained one of the most popular party leaders, he has now been overtaken by Zack Polanski in an important metric, those who say they ‘don’t know’. According to Ipsos, 36% of voters don’t know their opinion on Ed Davey, while 33% don’t know about Zack Polanski. While this isn’t a major difference, Ed Davey has been party leader for 6 years and still has over a third of people not holding an opinion on him. In comparison, Zack Polanski has only been the Green leader for just over 6 months and has already overtaken Sir Ed. 

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Sadness and pride as Scottish Asssisted Dying Bill falls

I’m full of emotion tonight. Sad that the Scottish Parliament rejected the Assisted Dying (Terminally Ill Adults) Bill which would have made us the first nation in the UK to allow assisted dying for those with less than 6 months to live if they wanted it.

After a week of late night sittings considering amendments, the Bill fell at its final hurdle by 57 votes to 69.

I’m also proud, though. Immensely proud. Liam McArthur could have done no more. His calm, his persuasive efforts to build support for this measure beyond any of its predecessors, taking it through to …

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Invisible at Wembley: what the Liberal Democrats keep getting wrong on trans rights

On Wednesday night, ten thousand people filled OVO Arena Wembley for Trans Mission: A Solidarity Concert. It was a four-hour, star-studded declaration that trans people in this country are not alone – and that the hostility directed at them is not going unanswered. Olly Alexander, the Sugababes, Wolf Alice, Adam Lambert, Ian McKellen reading Shakespeare. A mother speaking about her daughter Alice, who is no longer alive, asking the crowd to dance for those who can no longer dance for themselves. A standing ovation that shook the building.

One politician was on that stage. Zack Polanski, leader of the Green Party, received what was described as the warmest of welcomes. His speech was filmed, shared, and celebrated. His post-event tweet gathered nearly 144,000 views.

Ed Davey was also there that night.

You would not know it from anything the party put out.

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One Hub, Two Services: Why Police and Healthcare Should Share the Same Front Door

Across the United Kingdom, the role of the local high street is changing. Many of the civic buildings that once anchored communities, such as local police stations, small health centres, and council offices, are gradually disappearing as services modernise and budgets tighten. While change is inevitable, it raises an important question: how can we keep public services visible, accessible, and connected to the communities they serve?

One promising answer is the Integrated Community Hub. This would be a shared public building where Community Minor Injury Units (MIUs) and Neighbourhood Police Teams operate under the same roof. Rather than maintaining separate facilities scattered across towns and cities, a hub creates a single, welcoming location where residents can access help, advice, and care.

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Mathew on Monday: Serious Times Demand Serious Leadership – Ed Davey needs to stop with the clowning around

These are not normal political times. These are not easy times. And they are certainly not times when large swathes of the electorate is crying out for gimmicks, distractions, or anything that looks remotely unserious. They are times of international instability, economic uncertainty, pressure on public services, and a deep distrust in politics. In moments like these, what voters are looking for above all else is seriousness, serious ideas. Serious tone, serious leadership.

Which is why, for many of us watching Ed Davey’s speech at Spring Conference in York yesterday, there was such deep frustration. Because there were good things in what he said. There were important themes about Britain’s place in the world, about security, and about the values we champion as Liberal Democrats.

But all of that was immediately overshadowed by what came next. The dancing.

At best it looked tone-deaf. At worst it looked profoundly inappropriate given the gravity of the times we are living through. To say it was inappropriate is an understatement.

Politics is about judgement. And leadership is about understanding the mood of the country. Voters who are worried about paying their bills, worried about the NHS, worried about global instability, are not asking whether politicians can dance (in Portcullis House or, indeed, the floor of Conference). They are asking whether they can lead.

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Nuclear deterrent?

It’s the wrong time for any serious party leader to advocate getting rid of our nuclear weapons. Yesterday, Ed probably said the most sensible thing anyone could say. If we’re going to keep nuclear weapons, there is now a pressing need for them to be British.

It’s been said that it might be possible to jailbreak an F35. It’s also been said it doesn’t work like that. I don’t know if you can jailbreak a nuclear missile, but maybe we should have somebody working on it.*

But there is a substantial argument that our nuclear weapons will soon be useless – if they aren’t already – and the massive amounts of money spent on them prevents us from building up arms and capacity that we could actually use. And in my view we need to have a serious discussion about that.

Firstly, the unique characteristic of our deterrent is that it hides. Nobody knows where it is. Within a few years, I think five at most, that feature will be lost. Seagoing drones are already being used effectively. It will not be long before someone litters the oceans with drones. One will sit outside Faslane, watch as our nuclear sub sets sail, and hand it off to its mate as the sub gets out of range. And then everybody will know where HMS Vengeance is all the time, and our deterrent will be worthless.

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Reuniting with Europe: Rebuilding What Brexit Broke

Six years after Britain left the European Union, the promise that we would “take back control” rings hollow. The truth is painful: Brexit has weakened our country. It has diminished our prosperity, our standing, and our confidence. What was sold as liberation has instead become a slow estrangement from our closest allies and from the European identity that once helped define us as an open, confident nation.

For Liberal Democrats, the damage goes deeper than trade or economics. Brexit was a rejection of something essential: our belief that Britain’s strength lies in cooperation and shared purpose. It narrowed our horizons and encouraged a politics of resentment and blame. For millions who see themselves as both British and European, it felt like being written out of the story of our own nation.

The Damage Done

Brexit has left marks on every part of our national life. Small firms struggle with new border checks that slow exports and drain their budgets. Farmers face endless forms and higher costs. Musicians and creative workers have lost easy access to European tours. Investment has slumped, and the “global trade revolution” we were told to expect has produced little reward.

Yet the damage is not only economic. It is emotional, generational, and cultural. For young people, the Continent is no longer a place of effortless study, work, and discovery. The loss of Erasmus+ was not a policy detail but a breaking of connection. Freedom of movement, once taken for granted, is now a memory, and many Britons are only beginning to understand what that freedom meant. Families that once moved easily between London and Lisbon or Glasgow and Athens now feel distance where closeness used to be.

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All the fun of the rally

While the Lib Dem Voice team were having delicious food in the Mason’s Arms last night, the loud and raucous Conference rally was taking place. The rally is like Glee Club and marmite and all these things you either love or don’t. I’m more on the “don’t” side because it just seems a bit like an American convention rather than a British Conference, but others love the fun and spirit and theatre of it.

I always feel like you can watch things like this later, but the chance to spend time with friends is precious so that’s what I tend to do.

So, here, for your entertainment, is all the fun of the rally.

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Gas panic: Have we learnt the lessons of 2022?

The threat of another energy crisis raises a simple question: did we actually learn the lessons from the last one?

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered a surge in energy prices that drove household bills sharply higher. The shock had a profound impact on the UK economy and on household finances. Government support reportedly cost around £80 billion, and without emergency intervention typical household bills could have reached over £4,000 a year. Even now, prices remain more than a third higher than before the war.

But the crisis was not just economic. It was also a public health issue. New NHS data shows a sharp rise in cold-related illness between 2020 and 2025. Pneumonia admissions increased by 66%, hypothermia cases rose by 45%, and incidents linked to excessive cold climbed by 33%. Freedom of Information data recorded 4,701 admissions in England, with a further 1,127 cases in Scotland.

This should focus minds. Cold homes do not just affect comfort or bills. They affect health, and they place real pressure on the NHS, particularly for the most vulnerable.

Now there are warnings that rising tensions in the Middle East could trigger another spike in energy prices. If wholesale costs rise again, those pressures could return just as we approach another heating season.

So the question is whether the UK is becoming more resilient to energy shocks.

The government has brought forward around £15 billion through the Warm Homes Plan to 2030 to help households reduce their dependence on gas and improve energy efficiency. That works out at less than £3 billion a year. Given the scale and cost of the last crisis, it is unlikely to be enough on its own, particularly when awareness of the support available remains low among both households and policymakers.

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Trust the people: the Liberal politics of human potential

There is a deep fault line running through politics today. On one side are those who believe people should be empowered – free to learn, question, create and fulfil their potential. On the other are those who believe society functions best when people are compliant – guided from above and discouraged from asking too many questions.

For Liberal Democrats, that divide goes to the heart of our philosophy. Our commitment to liberty, equality and democracy begins with a belief in people. Liberalism assumes that individuals, when given freedom, opportunity and a meaningful voice, are capable of shaping their own lives and contributing to the common good.

But history shows that every increase in human freedom has been contested.

  • The right to vote.
  • The right to education.
  • The right to organise politically.
  • The right of women to participate fully in public life.
  • The right to speak freely, worship freely and live openly.

Each advance faced fierce resistance from those who feared what might happen if ordinary people gained greater agency over their own lives. That tension continues today. Across the world we see governments concentrating authority, narrowing the space for dissent and tightening control over information. Even in long-established democracies, many citizens feel decisions affecting their lives are drifting further away from them.

The deeper question behind these trends is philosophical rather than procedural: what do we believe human beings are capable of? Do we trust people to think, deliberate and take responsibility? Or do we assume most people need to be managed – even controlled?

Taiwan’s digital minister Audrey Tang captured this when she said:

It’s not about whether people trust the government. It’s about whether government trusts the people.

Taiwan’s Covid response demonstrates what that philosophy looks like in practice. The government released public data and invited civic technologists to help design solutions. Hackathons brought together volunteers to build tools such as the now-famous “mask map”, showing real-time availability of masks across pharmacies. Citizens were not treated as passive recipients of policy. They became collaborators in solving the problem. Because information was shared openly, trust grew rather than eroded. Mask wearing became a widely accepted social norm rather than a political battleground.

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Lib Dem policies on Israel/ Palestine: hidden in plain sight

As we gather in York for Spring conference, and the Middle East is in turmoil, we must not let the war with Iran and its proxies shift our focus away from the need to take concrete steps towards resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The policy motion on ‘Trump and the wider world’ rightly reiterates existing Liberal Democrat proposals adopted in conference motions ‘The UK’s Response to Trump’ (Spring 2025) and ‘The Israel-Gaza Conflict – an immediate bilateral ceasefire and securing two states’ (Autumn 2024). Indeed, as far back as Autumn 2021, the party acknowledged ‘that illegal settlements represent a breach of international law, and that any UK trade which bolsters such activity is sustaining this breach, by legislating to cease trade with illegal settlements, unless and until a negotiated peace settlement is reached.’ As one of us argued on LDV in July 2024, following the ICJ advisory opinion, banning trade with Israeli settlements is not a policy choice, but a legal requirement. The 2021 motion has also sought to ensure ‘that there is equality of treatment for Israelis and Palestinians in the rules for visa free travel to the UK’. Following the recent recognition of Palestine, the notion that Palestinian inhabitants of that territory continue to be subjected to a different visa regime than its Israeli inhabitants is all the more troubling. These are all sensible, international law respecting policies. Yet how many people outside close Lib Dem circles are aware of them?

When the Labour government recognised the state of Palestine last September, it was following in the footsteps of longstanding Liberal Democrat policies, though political parties are not known to give credit to others (marriage equality anyone?). Unprincipled as it often is, Labour turned a corner when the British public did: polling suggested 44% of Britons supported recognition, and only 13% disagreed. However, a thumping 41% believe it won’t make any difference – a gesture, perhaps, that is unlikely to be followed by actions. Interestingly, last Autumn Labour conference passed a unions-backed emergency motion which stipulated that “to be more than a gesture, recognition must be accompanied by concrete measures” which included “fully suspend the arms trade with Israel and the UK-Israel trade” and “ban trade with the illegal settlements”. Yet, unlike Lib Dem motions, Labour conference motions do not appear to bind their party leadership – otherwise we would have had proportional representation by now…

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A Radical Proposal from The Spectator?

Tanya Park had an excellent article recently in LibDem Voice on the decline of The Telegraph and The Spectator, each displaying what she brilliantly describes as ‘permanent performative outrage’. But I’d like to suggest that occasionally an article comes along in The Spectator that is…. well, a bit radical!

Take the recent article by Michael Simmons, The Spectator’s Economics Editor, entitled ‘It’s a Faustian Pact: Rachel Reeves is giving bankers what they want’.  It begins with Peter Mandelson’s advice to the Chief Executive of the investment bank JPMorgan in 2009, that if he was worried about a pending tax on bankers’ bonuses he should ‘mildly threaten’ the UK government.

Sixteen years on and in Simmons’ view nothing has changed. Last November Rachel Reeves was considering how to plug a gap in the public finances, and the then deputy leader, Angela Raynor, proposed a windfall tax on the banks. Nothing doing. It was small businesses that got taxed instead. Simmons concludes by saying that ‘Peter Mandelson may now be an outcast for this Labour government, but his spirit still haunts the Treasury.’

Why is Reeves so tied to Treasury thinking? Partly because Labour came to power deeply conscious of the Liz Truss debacle. It appeared sensible to keep financial institutions reassured so that they could send the right signals to international markets and ensure that the Labour Party had financial credibility. Otherwise, Reeves might end up as another lettuce, destined to wilt like her predecessor.

As a result the stamp of ‘official’ approval remains intact, but the room for manoeuvre is closed off. Reeves is trapped in her Treasury cage while the radical thinking comes from elsewhere. Think of Daisy Cooper’s proposal to replace the treasury with a growth department.  ‘For too long political parties have allowed the Treasury tail to wag the political dog,’ she wrote. Cue howls of outrage from some within Labour, but this is precisely what Michael Simmons was saying. Think also of the Green resurgence. Yes, much of the ‘eco-populist’ blah-blah that comes from the Greens continues to annoy, but they have ceased focusing on their ‘core’ issues and have focused instead on increasing levels of inequality. The jibe of middle-class self-indulgence about the Greens ceased to resonate in the recent by-election. Hannah the Plumber managed to have an aura of authenticity that Keir the Toolmaker’s son could only dream of.

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Local Government Matters – a dedicated place for a Lib Dem Councillor on the conference committee

“Conference, this is just a tidying up amendment”. Well I hope this may be true.

Amendments to the Lib Dem constitution may not be the most exciting thing to discuss on the doorstep – but it is important that we recognise and value the hard work of our councillors at all levels of the party. This includes ensuring the party’s voice in local government is heard when planning the Federal conferences.

At the moment there is an inconsistency in representation on the FCC (Federal Conference Committee). Other sections of the party have places on the FCC guaranteed, for example the parliamentary party, the state parties of England, Scotland and Wales – so it is only right that our councillors have the same representation and profile.

For example there is a councillor representative on the Federal Policy Committee, so it is logical that the Federal Conference Committee should have a similar arrangement. While we currently have councillors on the FCC, this is very different from a guaranteed place. The role of a councillor representative is also different – they are speaking on behalf of the Liberal Democrat local government family, liaising with ALDC and our group at the LGA whilst doing so.

We now have over 3,200 Lib Dem Councillors and lead 75 councils across the country. As well as being the Party’s “ambassadors” on the ground in communities ranging from the Scottish Highlands over to Cornwall, our councillors contribute approximately £2.5 million every year to the party in tithes and other financial support.

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The missing half of the beyond-GDP conversation

There is a welcome conversation happening in our party right now about the limits of GDP as a measure of success. As our Thriving Economy working group develops the policies that will take us into the next general election, colleagues are rightly asking whether we should measure what actually matters for people and the planet rather than treating growth as the ultimate aim.

I am firmly in the “measure what matters” camp. But I want to push this conversation somewhere it too often fails to go. Because the history of beyond-GDP thinking is littered with beautifully designed frameworks that changed nothing. The reason they changed nothing is not that policymakers hadn’t heard of them. It is that GDP supremacy serves powerful interests, and moving beyond it requires confronting those interests directly.

Let me put it bluntly. You cannot build a wellbeing economy without redistribution. New metrics are necessary but they are not sufficient. If we stop at dashboards and frameworks, we will have a more sophisticated way of describing the same broken system.

What the plans actually look like

Wales has shown that this is not abstract. The Well-being of Future Generations Act, passed in 2015, places a legal duty on public bodies to pursue wellbeing objectives across four dimensions: economic, social, environmental and cultural. It created a Future Generations Commissioner who can conduct formal reviews of public bodies and make recommendations they must respond to publicly. It is a genuine institutional innovation, but its limits are instructive too: the Commissioner’s powers remain largely advisory, and critics in the Senedd have called for stronger enforcement.

A UK-wide Wellbeing of Future Generations Act should learn from Wales and go further. It should embed wellbeing impact assessments into Treasury rules alongside traditional cost-benefit analysis, require departments to quantify outcomes using recognised measures like life satisfaction, mental health and social connectedness, and create an independent Future Generations Commissioner with the power to issue compatibility notices when legislation conflicts with wellbeing objectives, triggering mandatory parliamentary debate. Quarterly regional wellbeing dashboards, published by an expanded ONS, would give every community a clear picture of whether policy is actually working for them.

This is the institutional architecture that makes “beyond GDP” real rather than rhetorical. But architecture without funding is just a blueprint. The history of wellbeing frameworks, from the Stiglitz Commission to the UN’s own Sustainable Development Goals, confirms this: without the resources and political will to act on what the metrics reveal, measurement becomes an end in itself.

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Lib Dems for Growth

Last year, I wrote about the lack of a Lib Dem vision for economic growth here.

Since then, we have started to sketch out some ideas. Last month, in a speech encouragingly entitled “Get Britain Growing Again” Daisy Cooper, our Treasury Spokesperson, announced a new policy to establish a Department for Growth that would seek to de-fang the “anti-growth” Treasury. While this headline (and a move to Birmingham) got most of the attention, Daisy also clearly stated that “Getting Britain Growing Again must be any government’s number one goal”.

I agree with this and, in my earlier article, I rather unabashedly declared that “fixing the UK’s growth problem underpins EVERYTHING”. Without growth, we cannot fix the issues we campaign on and care about, whether that is adult social care, SEND, the NHS, defence and inequality. Many commentators on LDV disagreed with my point at the time, but it seems Daisy, at least, agrees.

The policy announcement on reforms to the Treasury were a welcome acknowledgement that the UK has a wildly over-powered and centralised department that focuses, above all else, on short term spending control and arbitrary targets. Reforming the Treasury will be difficult. If we are to succeed, then I think local authorities and mayoralties need to be set free. We need meaningful fiscal devolution to allow local government to invest and build infrastructure – a tram for Leeds anyone?

While a welcome announcement, I feel that we need to go further to have a meaningful and eye catching vision for growth for the UK. I am hopeful that the Thriving Economy working group can help build out such a vision. They have published a consultation paper ahead of Spring Conference and are due to host a session on their paper on Friday.

Crucially, a meaningful vision for growth has the power to really set the Liberal Democrat message apart. Right now, the electorate has a choice of a lacklustre government that, notwithstanding their intermittent references to growth being their “number one mission”, they just appear to be a continuation of the incompetence of the previous Conservative administration. Reform are a grab bag of scape-goating, wild promises of tax cuts with a dose of quasi-Thatcherism. The resurgent Greens appear to be re-inventing themselves as Momentum style left populists.

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The hidden epidemic among our young men that nobody is talking about

Young men in this country are in crisis. An increasing number are disengaged from work, education and society. An increasing number are being radicalised into the far right through social media. And an increasing number are being signed off on mental health grounds.

There are many factors behind these trends. But there is one that is barely discussed in mainstream politics, one that connects all three. It is a drug. It is not illegal to possess. It can cost as little as £3.50 per week, often purchased through apps such as WhatsApp or Telegram, and posted through Royal Mail. It is incredibly accessible and insanely cheap. It is being promoted to boys as young as 12 by influencers with tens of millions of followers. And almost nobody in our politics is talking about it. That drug is anabolic steroids.

The growth in use is being driven by an online philosophy known as the “blackpill”, promoted through TikTok under terms like “looksmaxing”. This is a part of the wider online manosphere. The blackpill claims that physical appearance is the ultimate form of status, that your looks should be your main, or only, priority, and that your appearance is the reason you lack friends, sexual relationships, financial opportunities and a more fulfilled life. It preys on the insecurities of young men and boys. One of the methods it promotes is anabolic steroids: not just to accelerate muscle growth, but on false claims that artificially elevated testosterone levels can reshape your facial structure. Google searches for “looksmax” are up 300% in the UK since 2023, with steroid-related searches up 30% over the same period.

This is not a niche corner of the internet. The hashtag “looksmax” is associated with over 500,000 videos on TikTok. “Tren” (Trenbolone), one of the most potent compounds, first developed in the 1960s to bulk up cattle, is associated with over 10.3 million videos on TikTok. Arguably the most prominent creator in this space, Clavicular (real name Braden Peters, aged 20), has accumulated 27 million likes on TikTok and earns over $110,000 per month from live streaming alone, before revenue from TikTok, YouTube, sponsorships or his paid looksmaxing course. He says he started injecting testosterone at 14. Any teenager who can navigate social media can source anabolic steroids within minutes.

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The Lib Dems must challenge the economic system – but with the plans to match

The Lib Dems recently announced plans for a Department for Growth. I can agree with splitting the Treasury into finance and “strategic economy” departments. But the messaging doesn’t suggest that our party is that keen on challenging (or being seen to challenge) the economic status quo: an economic system which is not working for too many people nor the environment. 

Challenging the economic system does NOT mean de-growth. It does mean challenging and moving away from GDP and growth – regardless of what, where, and for who – being the ultimate aims. “Growth agnostic” is the technical term. But more clearly, it means that it shouldn’t matter if we grow GDP or not, because we measure our success based on what genuinely matters for people and nature. GDP becomes one of many metrics and levers, but not the overarching objective.

What separates us from the Greens in the minds of the many sustainability professionals I meet is that we have vision AND the plans to match. We’re at risk, not least because we have so many current MPs facing the conservative party, of limiting those visions and plans for what society could be. 

There is a (personally conflicting and valid) conversation to be had as to whether stopping Reform, the Conservatives, and their hate-filled divisive politics is so important that we ensure we win, where we currently get our best results, with more cautious politics – enough to make sure there’re enough Lib Dem MPs to group with Labour and the Greens after the next election. 

But for the sake of this article, and in hope that we can do better than cautious, let’s be ambitious enough to manage these conflicts and nail the best of all worlds. Especially as our “Thriving Economy” working group comes up with our new economic policies that will take us into the next general election and might very well make it into some form of government.

I’ve written recently that two things must happen in 2026 to accelerate the move away from GDP and growth-at-all-costs toward judging society based on what matters for people and the environment.

  1. Clarity on the end point and principles of a new economic vision: which we have, in so many different forms that I discuss in the articles linked throughout this piece, like Natural Capital (alongside Human and Produced Capital), Doughnut Economics, Missions (I know…), SDGs, GEP, and countless other frameworks, metrics, and philosophies. We need to align. The promising UN High Level Expert Group on Beyond GDP is working on this right now. 
  2. A transition plan for that new economic vision: How do we unpick the current economic system from inside itself? And build a step-by-step path from now to that end point. With core principles that allow continuous improvement even after the economy is measured differently. Principles that allow flexibility far beyond a rigid plan. An approach that also wins the political conversation, as well as proving that a new economic approach can work for people and the environment, as well as working within the current system. We have gotten this roadmapping approach right before, for example in our 2024 EU policy and 2019 decarbonization plan. (The latter, alongside the people, was a big reassurance that I’d joined the right party in 2019!)

For a longer read on the indicators, frameworks, philosophy, liberalism, tipping points ahead, communication challenge, see again this Critical Mass for Sustainability piece and broader article library.

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Hina Bokhari writes… After years of delay, the Government’s Islamophobia definition still misses the mark

It’s finally here.

After years of campaigning by Muslim organisations and communities, against the backdrop of record levels of hate crime, the government has finally chosen the holiest time of Ramadan to publish its definition of what it calls “anti-Muslim hostility”.

And what do we have to show for all that waiting?

A watered-down version of a definition we already had.

The 2018 All-Party Parliamentary Group definition of Islamophobia was endorsed by more than 800 community organisations, over 100 academics, and every major political party except the then-governing Conservatives. It was the result of genuine consultation and rooted in the lived experience of Muslim communities.

So why has it taken this government years to deliver something that appears deliberately diluted? Why was the recommendation of its own independent working group seemingly not good enough? And why, throughout this entire process, were grassroots Muslim organisations largely excluded from meaningful engagement?

This isn’t just about the wording of the definition – though many have already raised serious concerns about what was diluted and why. This is about the process that produced it.

The Macpherson Inquiry established a clear principle: communities must play a central role in defining the racism they experience. Yet that lesson appears to have been ignored.

The process has been marked by exclusion, by hand-picked representatives replacing genuine grassroots engagement, and by a government seemingly more concerned with managing political optics than listening to the communities it claims to protect.
And perhaps the most telling failure of yesterday’s announcement was what the government chose not to say.

In 2016, the UK government adopted the IHRA working definition of antisemitism. That decision was taken quickly and with broad political consensus. Yesterday’s announcement could have been an opportunity to say clearly: we are doing for Muslim communities what we already did for Jewish communities nearly a decade ago.
Instead, that comparison went unspoken.

That matters because bad-faith actors, including much of the British media, have spent years spreading the lie that recognising Islamophobia somehow gives Muslims “special treatment”. The truth is the opposite. British Muslims are not asking for something extraordinary. We are asking for the same recognition and seriousness that other forms of racism rightly receive.

Fairness, not favours.

The key question is where we go from here. Organisations like the Muslim Council of Britain and the Islamophobia Response Unit are not endorsing this definition at the present time. They are reserving judgement, recognising that a definition is merely a starting point.

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The Cry of a British-Iranian Lib Dem Woman

“I’ll call you once I get changed,” I told my sister. “Got absolutely soaked.” She said she was sorry I’d got cold and wet. “It was water, not bullets,” I replied. She cried.

That afternoon in Munich, I had joined over one million Iranians and their supporters worldwide to remember the tens of thousands massacred by the Islamic Republic on 8 and 9 January this year. Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi had called on all who stand with Iranians to come together on a Global Action Day for Iran on Valentine’s Day, which also fell on the 40th day after the massacre. In Iranian culture, the 40th day after a death is a solemn threshold, when family and friends gather to mourn. This time, Iranians danced in defiance, sang instead of weeping, and told each other that freedom is closer than it has ever been.

In Munich alone, police estimated that 250,000 people had gathered to demand the fall of the regime. The following Monday, Iranian lawmaker Javad Hosseinikia called on the Foreign Ministry to expel Germany’s ambassador in Tehran in retaliation. The regime’s fury only confirmed that these demonstrations are working.

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Mathew on Monday – ‘Patriotism’ should build communities- not police them

The government has today announced plans for a “patriotic renewal” of Britain’s communities. Ministers say the policy is about strengthening social cohesion and promoting the “shared values” that unite us as a nation.

Fine words, for sure. But what exactly does it mean in practice? Because when politicians start talking about patriotism in this context, it can sometimes feel worryingly close to the language of the populist Right. Too often “patriotic renewal” becomes shorthand for cultural suspicion – a politics that encourages people to look sideways at their neighbours and ask whether they quite belong.

That isn’t renewal. It’s division.

If the government truly wants to renew our communities, the starting point should be far more practical-and far less rhetorical. For over a decade before the last election, Britain experienced the hollowing-out of local life. Libraries closed. Youth clubs disappeared (something I have consistently rallied against, in speeches at Lib Dem Conferences, meetings at Parliament, and so on). SureStart centres were stripped away. Community centres were sold off. High streets declined. The public spaces where people naturally come together were slowly dismantled.

That is where the real damage to community happened. Because communities are not built by speeches about national identity. They are built in the everyday spaces where people meet one another as neighbours and citizens. The library where children discover books and older residents escape loneliness. The youth club where teenagers find friendship, guidance, and opportunity. The SureStart centre where struggling parents receive the support that helps families to thrive.

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Green Party members be warned, after the party comes the hangover

One by-election win does not a government make.

As a queer millennial living in East London, I am surrounded by Green Party Members. To paraphrase Derry Girls, ‘It’s wall to wall Green Party Members, sure you cannot move for Green Party Members round here’. Never has this been more obvious than in the last few days; conversations with friends and my social media have been filled with, quite frankly, sickenly gleeful Green Party activists & supporters, saying things like, ‘a left wing government is just around the corner!’ and ‘this is the chance we have to change our country!

Now don’t get me wrong. The day after we won the 2016 Richmond Park by-election, I walked into work with a smile that only really comes with a very pleasurable night. For the first couple of parliamentary by-elections that I fought and won, I too was an insufferable git that bored everyone with tales of the campaign trail. This was before I realised a devastating fact:

Winning parliamentary by-elections does not matter at all.

Word count forbids me from turning this argument into a 3,000 word essay; however, here are three reasons why the Green Party’s win in Gorton & Denton means absolutely nothing:

1. You won’t hold onto the seat.

Between 2001-2019, 13 seats moved from one political party to another, 6 of those MPs held onto those seats at the next general election. In each of those 6 cases, the party that held the set was either a good 2nd place before the by-election occurred, or had a reasonable local government base (and thus a track record of winning in the consistency). Neither of those are true in this case. The Green Party currently has no councillors that represent any of the wards in the constituency.

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