Author Archives: Jack Meredith

Beyond 2026: how the Liberal Democrats can win a post-Labour Neath

With the 2026 Senedd election now around four months away, Welsh politics has entered a new phase. Campaigns are taking shape, narratives are hardening, and for the first time since devolution, both the electoral map and the voting system have fundamentally changed. Old assumptions about “safe seats” no longer apply.

In Neath, that shift is particularly stark. Under the new boundaries, Neath now sits within the Brycheiniog Tawe Nedd, combining Brecon, Radnor and Cwm Tawe, Neath, and Swansea East into a single six-member constituency elected by closed-list proportional representation.

Recent polling for this new constituency points to a fragmented outcome: two Reform UK seats, two Labour seats, one Plaid Cymru seat, and one Green seat, with the Green replacing what had previously been grouped under a generic “Other” category. This is not a two-party contest, and it is not a temporary anomaly. It is a snapshot of a post-Labour political landscape beginning to take shape.

For the Liberal Democrats, the strategic question is therefore not how to force a late breakthrough in the final months before 2026. It is about positioning the party to inherit trust once the first wave of volatility has passed.

2026 is not the realignment; it is the signal

What is happening in Neath is not simply electoral churn. It is the slow unravelling of a political settlement that once bound work, unions, public services, and Labour representation together into a single political home.

That settlement is weakening, not because Neath has rejected centre-left values, but because Labour increasingly feels distant, defensive, and managerial in devolved government. The new voting system has not caused this; it has merely exposed it.

Plaid Cymru and Reform UK are the immediate beneficiaries of that break. Plaid offers national confidence and Welsh self-assertion. Reform offers anger, disruption, and a rejection of politics as it is. Both speak to frustration. Neither yet represents a settled governing alternative for towns like Neath.

Realignments rarely resolve themselves in a single election. Protest comes first. Consolidation comes later. The next Senedd election after 2026 is where voters will begin looking for a new political anchor.

The work of earning that role must start now.

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The liberal order is not defended by manners; it is defended by resolve 

On 4 April 1949, 12 nations signed a treaty to establish collective security, combat totalitarianism, and strengthen transatlantic ties: Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America. That treaty came to be known as the North Atlantic Treaty, now more commonly known as NATO. 

Now, 77 years later, that same alliance is under threat. The United States of America, under the rule of Donald Trump, is threatening to take control of Greenland, while US officials have refused to rule out military action. 

This is truly the darkest timeline. NATO was established to maintain security across the Atlantic and strengthen the ties that bind us. However, Trump has made clear that those ties are not just weak but completely obliterated, existing only when the price is right for Trump and his cronies. 

Trump’s refusal to respect sovereignty and international law must be a wake-up call for those who have comforted themselves with the idea that he “would never do anything to us”. He already targets our institutions, strong-arming the NHS into a deal that would raise the price the NHS pays for new medicines by 25%, and carrying out funding cuts, leading some UK universities to cancel research projects due to his “assault on science

This is Trump toting his soft power. He is showing us “this is what I can do without raising a finger”. His approach to Ukraine, his attack on Venezuela, his military threats against Denmark are overt displays of his hard power; pulling military support, carrying out invasions and claiming dominion over an entire nation, and then willing threaten further military action against an ally, it all adds up to the same conclusion: Donald Trump does not care about international law, and Donald Trump will not stop until his vision is achieved. 

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Why liberal internationalism must reject camp politics

Liberal internationalism is under pressure from two directions. On one side sits an authoritarian right that treats power as its own justification. On the other side sits a left that increasingly defines foreign policy by opposing the West rather than by supporting democracy, human rights, and self-determination.

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Liberty does not end where caring begins

The Liberal Democrats exist to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society, in which we seek to balance the fundamental values of liberty, equality and community, and in which no one shall be enslaved by poverty, ignorance or conformity.

I’m sure everyone knows this preamble by now, emblazoned on the back of our membership cards. I want to focus on the concept of liberty and how it doesn’t apply to carers.

Liberty and carers

My perspective on liberty encompasses the relationship between individuals and the state.

Society cannot function

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Let us meet this challenge with unyielding resolve

As of writing this, the date is 11/12/2025.

The illegal expansionist Russian invasion of Ukraine has now reached its 11th year, with the firing shot taking place all the way back in 2014, with the unlawful annexation of Crimea and the Donbas Region, followed by several years of empty threats from Russia, whilst occupied Ukrainians suffered under Russian rule. 

Ukraine’s forces, while still strong in spirit, are beginning to be pushed back by invading Russian troops, due to several factors.

North Korean troops have been deployed, in aid of Russia, to assist in the illegal expansionist invasion. The Kremlin has previously brought in Russian mercenaries and Syrian fighters to bulk up its numbers against defending Ukrainian forces, along with troops pulled from Russian-occupied lands, including South Ossetia, Transnistria, and Abkhazia. It is currently recruiting fighters from Iran.

America’s support for Ukraine has recently faltered, with President Trump supporting a peace plan that was all but engineered by the Kremlin, including capping the size of the Ukrainian military and preventing Ukraine from joining NATO, with the recognition of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk by Ukraine as ‘de facto Russian’; following the unveiling of this ‘peace plan’, Ukraine, understandably, rejected it, seeking a new plan that would not involve ceding territory to an invading country.

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The cruelty is the point: ruscism and Russia’s war on civilians

I read a lot of posts and articles from people who try to dissect the reasoning behind Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine.

Some conclude that it is simply a geopolitical squabble between two post-Soviet states. Others suppose that NATO and/or the EU must have “provoked” Russia into invading a completely separate nation that is not formally a member of either international organisation, despite both organisations allowing nations to join or leave as they please; see Brexit for the EU and the most recent threats of US departure from NATO.

However, I propose a much simpler, albeit darker, reason for Russia’s invasion. And that reason is ruscism, a term that encapsulates the ideology of Russian imperialism rooted in a history of expansionism, chauvinism, and a belief in Russian superiority, which fuels aggressive actions like the invasion of Ukraine.

Ruscism, or ‘Russian fascism’, was first identified during the First Chechen War when Dzhokhar Dudayev described it as: ‘a variety of hatred ideology which is based on Great Russian Chauvinism, spiritlessness and immorality.’

That phrase, “extreme cruelty”, comes up a lot whenever Russia is involved. 

In the First Chechen War alone, there was the indiscriminate bombing of Shali, a Chechen town, with the use of cluster bombs focused on targeting markets, gas stations, hospitals, a Muslim cemetery, schools and collective farms. There was also the Samashki Massacre, during which “Zachistka” took place. “Zachistka” is a Russian euphemism for “mopping up” in relation to killing civilians inside occupied enemy territories.

The UNCHR reported that over 100 people, mainly civilians, were murdered by Russian troops in Samashki, noting that soldiers “deliberately and arbitrarily attacked civilians and civilian dwellings”, by way of shooting, using flame throwers and throwing grenades into basements where mostly women, elderly people and children were hiding.

In the Second Chechen War, while both sides committed war crimes, Human Rights Watch noted that the majority of deaths of civilians were caused by Russian forces, ranging from the refusal to create safe evacuation corridors to ignoring the Geneva Convention, to looting from civilians’ homes before murdering said civilians. Anna Politkovskaya, a journalist who the Kremlin murdered for shining a light on Russian war crimes in Chechnya, documented in her book “A Dirty War” the atrocities she both came across and was told about by survivors, including finding a school essay by a Chechen child which reads:

I do not know if Putin has a heart. But if he did, he would not have started such a war. Putin thinks human life is worth fifty kopecks. He is deeply mistaken. I’d like Putin to know that we are also human beings.

Fast forward to today, to the current Russian invasion of Ukraine. And what do we see? The use of prohibited chemical weapons by the Russian army has occurred approximately 465 times. Nearly 20,000 Ukrainian children have been abducted from Russian-occupied territories. More than one million people have been deported from Ukraine to Russia by Russian forces. The UN has reported numerous cases of civilians being “arbitrarily detained and subjected to enforced disappearances“. Amnesty International has stated that Russian troops had “shown a blatant disregard for civilian lives by using ballistic missiles and other explosive weapons with wide-area effect in densely-populated areas”. These don’t even begin to cover the scope of atrocities committed by Russian troops in Ukraine, ranging from mass graves to sexual violence and the forced conscription of Ukrainians in Russian-occupied areas.

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A public demonstration of Russian state terror

The Dawn Sturgess Inquiry, conducted by The Rt Hon Lord Hughes of Ombersley, has concluded that Vladimir Putin, along with “all those who sent them (the Russian agents who delivered the poison in Salisbury)”, is responsible for Dawn Sturgess’ death.

This is a conclusion that many in Britain had already reached long before the Inquiry reported. It is not the first time the Russian state has used chemical or radioactive agents on British soil, nor is it the first time Putin’s regime has assassinated those it deems inconvenient.

In 2006, former Russian intelligence official Alexander Litvinenko was poisoned with polonium-21. Beyond our borders, journalist Anna Politkovskaya was shot dead in her apartment block’s lift, following her reporting on Russian war crimes in Chechnya, and Russian liberal opposition leader Boris Nemtsov was shot dead in Moscow, following his condemnation of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its invasion of Donbas. These are not isolated incidents, but are the operating logic of a state that sees murder as a foreign and domestic policy.

The ruling reached in the Dawn Sturgess Inquiry, however, is not just confirmation of what so many knew. It is assigning moral responsibility to the highest level of the Russian state. It asserts, plainly and publicly, that a British citizen died because a hostile foreign power decided that chemical weapons were an acceptable instrument on UK streets.

This flies in the face of our liberal values. Valuing life, liberty, and the rule of law is vital to maintaining liberal democracy. When a dictatorship feels it can export such gross political violence onto our streets, it is not only an attack on individuals, like the late Dawn Sturgess and her family, but on our very democracy.

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Berlin reminded me how loud we must be for Ukraine

Large billboard expressing solidarity UkraineFrom last Wednesday to Sunday, I visited Berlin with my girlfriend. From the museums and Christmas markets to the people and the general atmosphere, I loved it, reminding me why we must seek to rejoin the EU as soon as possible.

But one thing that struck me, almost immediately, was the continued and vocal support for Ukraine in its fight to defend itself against Russian imperialism. From the moment I stepped out of my hotel, which was only a stone’s throw away from the Checkpoint Charlie Museum, the support was evident. A huge Ukrainian flag adorned the top half of the museum, with a message of support in both English and Ukrainian emblazoned across it, while the Soviet Flag Was wrapped up, and the NATO, US, British and French flags flew.

Christmas tree with Ukraine flags instead of baublesAround the corner, there stood a mural for all to see, condemning the political prisoners Russia has taken hostage, along with the Christmas tree sat outside the museum, adorned with Ukrainian flags.

On every lamppost, there were “Slava Ukraini” stickers. On our first night in the city, we saw a man carrying a flagpole with a Ukrainian flag at the end. Government buildings flew the Ukrainian flag. Museums had fundraisers for Ukraine. The general mood wasn’t one of fatigue or apathy, but anger towards Russia for its attack, and hope for Ukraine’s victory. It was inspiring, to say the least.

No doubt, someone will point out that, while admirable, this was only one city out of an entire country and may not reflect the general mood across Germany. But regardless, it stirred in me a sense of frustration with our country’s lack of continued enthusiasm for supporting Ukraine. There will be many reasons for this, and I imagine some will revolve around difficult personal circumstances relating to the cost-of-living crisis, which will no doubt leave no time to worry about anything else – and that is understandable.

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If Labour speaks like Powell, then we must stand like Jenkins

Immigration.

For many, it’s the issue that’s lasted a lifetime. While some, like me, view it as an extension of internationalism and the support of human rights, others view it as an idea to be feared and loathed, where they feel their cultures are set to be torn apart by “others” who are too barbaric ever to understand or accept Western societal views.

The fight for a respectful immigration policy is more prevalent than ever, with the current Labour Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, announcing her ‘moral mission’ to tackle illegal immigration. This mission, which she claims is ‘tearing communities apart’, involves making refugee status temporary, enforcing a regular two-and-a-half-year review for their applications, and requiring anyone arriving “illegally” to wait 20 years before they can apply for permanent settlement. These policies not only affect the individuals seeking refuge but also profoundly impact the communities they become part of.

This is a far cry from the Labour Party’s stance on immigration from the days of liberal reforming Home Secretary, Roy Jenkins. While not a supporter of unlimited immigration or open borders, Lord Jenkins was an outspoken supporter of cultural integration in a multicultural sense, referring to it as ‘equal opportunity, accompanied by cultural diversity, in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance‘.

There were, of course, the likes of Enoch Powell, who stood opposed to such tolerant and liberal views on immigration and espoused his own ideas, most notably his ‘Rivers of Blood‘ speech, comparing the rise in immigration to Britain preparing its own funeral pyre, calling for an immediate reduction in immigration.

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Strength in solidarity: masculinity and the fight for trans rights

My journey in powerlifting spans over a decade, a journey that has not only shaped my physical strength but also my outlook on masculinity.

For those unfamiliar, powerlifting is a strength sport that consists of three movements: the squat, the bench press, and the deadlift. Each competition allows competitors to attempt each lift three times, with the heaviest successful attempt from each forming a competitor’s overall total.

Powerlifting, for me, has transcended the mere act of lifting. It has sparked profound introspection about the essence of strength. The finest lifters are not defined by their volume or aggression; they are the ones who maintain composure in adversity, bolster others in their pursuit of goals, and persist even when the going gets tough. They don’t wield their strength as a tool to undermine others; they employ it to elevate everyone around them.

In a world where figures like Donald Trump, Nigel Farage, Andrew Tate, and Joe Rogan dismiss the concept of being ‘woke’, my fellow male powerlifters and I have consciously chosen to reject this toxic masculinity. We value decency and community over the hollow, performative notion of being an ‘alpha male’.

Our approach can be best described as ‘positive masculinity,’ a form of strength deeply rooted in respect, empathy, and equality.

Positive masculinity, at its core, is about recognising that strength should never come at someone else’s expense. In a society where so many communities still face hostility, cis men have a duty to use their strength, physical, emotional, and moral, to stand beside them. Liberalism is rooted in empathy and fairness; positive masculinity is simply those principles lived out in everyday behaviour.

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 Charles Kennedy’s belief in people can save liberal democracy

At this critical juncture, liberal democracy is facing a profound global crisis. Populists, masquerading as the voice of ‘the people’, are gaining traction, while liberals are often perceived as mere mouthpieces for institutions. However, as Charles Kennedy eloquently articulated two decades ago, liberalism is not elitist; it is the most valid form of democracy, deeply rooted in compassion, honesty, and trust in ordinary people.

It’s time to reclaim populism for liberal democracy, wresting it from the grip of extreme factions. This could be a pivotal strategy in our efforts to revitalise liberal democracy, and it’s a task that cannot be delayed.

Charles Kennedy’s political rhetoric points us in the right direction. It was accessible, human, and moral rather than managerial. His opposition to the Iraq War wasn’t just a matter of policy, but also a display of courage against the establishment consensus. He believed that politics should speak to ordinary people first, and then to Westminster. Kennedy knew that the people are always wiser than the government thinks, and wanted the Liberal Democrats to acknowledge that. He argued that our party should offer democratic empowerment without resorting to demagoguery, reducing the role of central government control over public services and handing it to the people who understand the needs of their communities much better than Whitehall.

We can, and must, build upon the foundation Charles Kennedy laid for us. We must pursue a politics that puts power, dignity, and voice back in the hands of citizens, while protecting every individual’s freedom under the law. This includes instituting citizens’ assemblies to run alongside devolved governments, introducing participatory budgeting for local communities, which empowers local people to have a say in how their money is spent, and implementing anti-corruption laws, closing tax loopholes, and championing transparent governance in both public and private bodies.

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Beyond the picket line: why Liberal Democrats must rebuild bridges with Britain’s workers

In an era when populism erodes democratic norms and insecurity pervades the modern workplace, the defence of liberal democracy must extend beyond parliaments and ballot boxes. It must reach the factory floor, the classroom, and the hospital wards. The right to organise, to be treated fairly, and to have a voice at work are not socialist luxuries. They are the foundations of a free society, and the current situation demands our immediate attention and action.

More than twenty years ago, Charles Kennedy understood this. In 2002, addressing the Trades Union Congress in Blackpool, he declared:

We Liberal Democrats believe in dialogue. We believe in cooperation with both sides of industry and between both sides of industry. And we believe in the language of cooperation. We reject the language of confrontation.

It was a moment of quiet courage; a Liberal Democrat leader standing before a movement that had long looked elsewhere for political allies, and saying that liberalism and organised labour could, and should, speak the same moral language, rooted in our shared history and values.

Kennedy’s message was simple. Trade unions are healthy for society. The market, though a powerful force of prosperity, requires a balance between worker voice and public accountability. He warned against the creeping belief, imported from across the Atlantic, that “the private sector is always better”. That warning rings louder today than ever, and it is a lesson our friends across the pond are slowly learning, as evidenced by Zohran Mamdani’s recent victory in the New York mayoral election.

Two decades later, Britain finds itself at another crossroads. Labour’s Working Rights Bill seeks to ban exploitative zero-hour contracts, end fire-and-rehire practices, expand day-one employment rights and strengthen collective bargaining. The aims are noble: fair pay, stable work and dignity for all. Yet while Labour presses ahead, the Liberal Democrats risk looking like bystanders in the debate that should define us.

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Diversity in name only

Warning: There are mentions made to studies referencing suicidal ideation in the trans community later on in this piece. If this topic causes you discomfort or concern, you may wish to avoid reading this article.

We are now a week removed from our party’s announcement of adherence to the Supreme Court’s ruling on gender identity in reference to our internal election diversity quotas.

During that time, we have heard from many people, including, but not limited to, Prue, Josh, Caron, Rebecca, Iain, Chris and me. There is, however, one person we haven’t heard from: Ed Davey.

Now, of course, there are many Liberal Democrat MPs who have yet to speak out. Still, as both our party’s leader and a previously outspoken supporter of the LGBTQIA+ community, it has been nothing short of a betrayal to hear nothing but radio silence from Ed. His article for the Lib Dem website, published during Pride Month, even referred to our Spring Conference’s reaffirmation of support for LGBTQIA+ rights, with the introduction of the supporting paper “Free To Be Who You Are“, which sets out a range of policies supporting the LGBTQIA+ community. Rereading his piece now, it does beg the question, “How much of this is legitimate support, and how much is pandering?”.

It’s ironic, really, that the paper is titled “Free To Be Who You Are”. Perhaps the subtitle “Unless you’re an elected official in the Lib Dems” is needed to reflect the reality of such a two-faced approach to allyship.

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We still need to adopt a Jenkinsite approach to support trans, non-binary and gender non-conforming people.

Back in 2022, I wrote my first piece for Lib Dem Voice, titled “We must adopt a Jenkinsite approach to support trans people“. As part of the piece, I discussed Roy Jenkins’ achievements as Home Secretary under Harold Wilson, from abolishing theatre censorship and legalising abortion, to decriminalising homosexuality and banning racial discrimination in the workplace. I also discussed the ideology Jenkins brought to the role of Home Secretary: social libertarianism (the idea that if you are not breaking the law or causing harm to others or yourself, then the government should leave you alone).

Unfortunately, the argument I made then of anti trans groups opposing this ideology, and instead choosing to support state-backed renewal of the patriarchy to attack trans people further, is still a pressing issue in our society. The most recent case of this urgency is the Supreme Court’s ruling that the legal definition of a woman is based on biological sex, regardless of whether a trans woman has a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC), with gender critical campaigners such as the author JK Rowling claiming the ruling meant “protection for women“.

While hailing this ruling as a win for women, these same campaigners conveniently ignore the fact that the very same legal system is failing to protect women from violence committed by cis men, with campaigns such as End Violence Against Women reporting on the multiple state failures that contributed to the sexual assault and murder of Zara Aleena by Jordan McSweeney, who in turn has had his life sentence reduced to 33 years.

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A better deal for Wales? Why federalism, not independence, is the answer

On Thursday, 23 October, Plaid Cymru ended nearly a century of Welsh Labour dominance in Caerphilly after having won the by-election triggered by the untimely passing of Welsh Labour MS Hefin David.

The result, which saw a 27% swing from Welsh Labour to Plaid Cymru, must be a wake-up call for liberals that nationalism is on the rise, on both sides of the political aisle. While Plaid won the by-election, Reform UK finished second, ahead of Welsh Labour, indicating that not only is Welsh Labour finally being punished for its complacency, but the void it has left is being filled by parties that wish to tear the UK apart; in one case, culturally, and in another, literally. To be clear: Labour didn’t lose because Wales turned nationalist. They lost because neither Westminster nor Cardiff Bay is doing what’s best for Wales.

This is where the Welsh Liberal Democrats must stake their claim to delivering a better deal for Wales. At a time when Reform’s anti-immigration rhetoric and Plaid’s nationalism are on the rise, the Welsh Liberal Democrats must offer a real alternative; one that champions Welsh identity and pushes for full self-governance, while seeking to redesign and strengthen the United Kingdom to make it a truly union of equals.

We cannot simply talk about stronger devolved powers in abstract terms. It’s time to lay out tangible reforms:

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Reform rising in Wales: the Caerphilly test and what it means for liberal democracy

Today’s by-election in Caerphilly isn’t just about one seat: it’s a canary in the coal mine for Welsh democracy. The surge by Reform UK demands urgent action from liberals, not only in turning out in force but also in seriously addressing the underlying shifts that are opening the door to populism in Wales.

For decades, Caerphilly has been a Labour heartland. But the numbers now tell a startling story. A recent poll puts Reform at 42% and Plaid Cymru at 38%, with Labour languishing at 12%. Across Wales, Reform is reported to be opening up leads over Labour.

This is not just a standard shift between major parties; it is the emergence of populist parties that seek to tear the United Kingdom apart, one literally and the other culturally.

As liberals, we must see today’s by-election in Caerphilly for what it is:

  • A defence of liberal democracy at a time when populist politics thrives on division and resentment.
  • A recognition that voting doesn’t just express preference, but protects democracy itself.
  • A wake-up call: if Reform can surge in the South Wales valleys, then the next decade could bring far bigger challenges in Wales and beyond.

There is a growing trend of disaffection with old certainties, such as the assumption that Labour will always win in Caerphilly. Voters in Caerphilly are telling journalists that they “don’t know anyone” who is voting Labour anymore. Decades of Labour’s dominance have bred complacency, and we are all suffering from it. Reform’s ability to draw from former Conservative and disillusioned Labour voters is troubling for liberals and liberal democracy.

The Welsh Liberal Democrats offer an alternative route to Reform’s populism, Labour’s complacency, and Plaid’s nationalism. An alternative rooted in community, decency, and equal opportunity for all; values that are the foundation of Wales. We stand for fairness, with policies that promote social justice and equality. Where Labour has grown complacent, we listen, act and fight for local people. Where Plaid seeks to carry out a Welsh Brexit, we strive to strengthen Wales as part of the United Kingdom AND Europe. Every vote for the Welsh Liberal Democrats in Caerphilly is a vote to show that Wales still believes in hope over hate, and solutions over slogans.

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Why the Welsh Lib Dems must confront Reform on Ukraine

Wales has shown the world what solidarity looks like. We became a Nation of Sanctuary, opened our homes to thousands of Ukrainian refugees, and stood firmly on the side of democracy and the rule of law. Yet at the same time, Reform UK, the party now desperate to present itself as the Voice of Wales, was long represented by Nathan Gill, a former Brexit Party and Reform UK politician who pleaded guilty to eight counts of bribery payments in return for pro-Russian statements.

This is not some abstract Westminster scandal, but one too close to home, in Wales. It strikes at the heart of our national security and our values. If Reform UK cannot even keep Russian influence out of its own ranks, why should the people of Wales trust them with our future?

And speaking of Reform UK, let’s take a look at its leader, Nigel Farage, a man who has been consistent with his defence of Putin’s illegal expansionist war in Ukraine. In a BBC Panorama interview, Mr Farage claimed that the West provoked Russia to attack Ukraine with “the ever-eastward expansion of NATO and the European Union“, despite these two institutions operating on a democratic basis; countries only join because they want to, not because they’re forced.

Mr Farage has also previously called on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy to seek a peace deal with Russia, despite most of the democratic world, Ukraine included, calling on Russia to end its illegal expansionist war, respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and pull all of its troops out immediately.

While Reform UK flirts with Kremlin narratives, the Liberal Democrats have been absolutely clear: Ukraine’s fight is our fight. It is a fight for democracy, international law and the security of Europe.

From the outset, the Liberal Democrats have consistently:

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One Nation Liberalism: reclaiming compassion without conservatism

When our leader, Ed Davey, invited One Nation Conservatives to join the Liberal Democrats, he tapped into something important: the collapse of moderate conservatism and the hunger for decency in politics. Yet, this appeal has left some party members, myself included, uneasy. There is a fear that in trying to welcome disillusioned Conservatives, we risk softening our liberalism into a kind of managerial centrism, one that mistakes moderation for vision.

However, the truth is that Britain doesn’t need a return to One Nation Conservatism. It needs to rediscover One Nation Liberalism.

The phrase “One Nation” has always carried emotional power in British politics. When Disraeli wrote of a nation divided into “two nations”, one rich and one poor, he captured an anxiety that has never truly disappeared. Chimneys and factory gates no longer separate those two nations, but housing markets, regional inequities, and access to opportunity. The same fiscal fissures that alarmed Disraeli still scar Britain today, but the solutions no longer lie in patriotism from above. They lie in liberalism from below; building a society of free citizens bound by mutual respect, fairness, and opportunity.

Liberals have always been the true heirs to the One Nation tradition. Our philosophy is based on the belief that liberty is not merely the absence of restraint, but the presence of opportunity. The New Liberals of the early twentieth century understood this well. T. H. Green, L. T. Hobhouse, and John Hobson argued that freedom was meaningless if poverty, ignorance, or ill-health prevented people from exercising it. For them, liberty was social as much as political.

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The Tory Party’s new ‘enemy within ‘: why Robert Jenrick’s assault on judiciary independence demands a liberal response

In recent months, Shadow Secretary of State for Justice and Shadow Lord Chancellor Robert Jenrick has launched what appears more like a full-blown political attack on the independence of Britain’s judiciary than a policy critique. What was once thought unthinkable, British politicians casting judges as part of a “deep state conspiracy”, is increasingly being normalised.

This assault is not merely a constitutional quirk. It’s a deliberate populist power play: by undermining faith in the judiciary, Jenrick is supporting a weakening of its executive authority. For Liberal Democrats and all defenders of liberal democracy, this is a moment when constitutional guardianship must become a political act.

This isn’t the first time legal professionals have been attacked by the Tory Party, from Marco Longhi’s attack on “woke lefty lawyers” to Suella Braverman vowing to use her previous position as Home Secretary to bring “crooked immigration lawyers to justice“. While both were equally disgraceful, these were attacks on individual lawyers, rather than the entire judiciary system.

But now, Jenrick has said the quiet part out loud. Holding a peruke, Robert Jenrick spoke at the 2025 Conservative Party conference about how Britain has “a problem”, that he has discovered through his own research, “dozens of judges” having links to open border charities and pressure groups, and have spent their entire careers “fighting to keep illegal migrants in this country”, and compared these judges to a crooked football referee. He ends his tirade by announcing the Conservative Party won’t reform immigration tribunals, but instead, abolish them entirely.

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Memes against Moscow: What NAFO taught me about fighting disinformation

In 2022, shortly after Russia’s illegal expansionist invasion of Ukraine, I took to Twitter to keep up with any updates.

One post in particular caught my attention: a Russian ambassador pushing the Kremlin line of “saving persecuted Russians in the Donbas region”. I clicked on the comments, only to find a small group of people with cartoon dogs as their profile pictures, sharing memes mocking Putin and the Russian army. I first thought nothing of it until I saw a follow-up post from the ambassador, in which he said, “You pronounced this nonsense, not me.”

I remember commenting, over and over, until another post of his went up, demanding we stop. We carried on. And then, just like that, he blocked me. Nearly everyone who had commented shared screenshots, showing he had blocked all of us. A bond was created in those posts; a bond that would go on to become “NAFO”, or the North Atlantic Fella Organisation.

I’d like to explain what NAFO is. Simply put, it’s a grassroots network that exists to do two main things:

  1. Counteract disinformation spread by Russia and its allies
  2. Raise money to support Ukrainians

Despite the F in NAFO standing for Fella, it isn’t meant to denote male-only membership. A “Fella” in this case is the name of the small cartoon dog, often associated with the “bonk” meme (for those who don’t know, don’t worry about it.) 

But NAFO’s membership consists of cis men and cis women, trans men and trans women, non-binary and gender non-conforming people. There is no set political allegiance, either. I made many good friends through NAFO, some of which are anarchists, conservatives, Trotskyists, social democrats, and many more who believe in very different ideologies. There was one universal truth that united us all: Ukraine is a sovereign nation who has been invaded, and they need our support.

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From Chișinău to London: why Moldova’s European choice must spark Britain’s EU re-engagement

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Moldova is one of Europe’s poorest nations, plagued by unresolved territorial disputes over Transnistria, entrenched corruption challenges, and persistent Russian interference. It’s also the most recent country to have chosen a future as part of the European project over domination from Moscow.

By contrast, Britain chose to voluntarily step away from the project, opting to go it alone in the name of “taking back control”, encouraged by individuals who view Moscow’s intimidation tactics and imperialist …

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Our flag too

A grave crime has been committed across Britain; an act of egregious theft. The culprits? Fascist thugs who intimidate those who don’t look or sound like them. The crime? Stealing the flag that unites four great nations and their people, the flag that belongs to everyone who calls Britain home.

From using the British flag as a weapon of intimidation to protesting outside hotels, vandalising roundabouts, attacking police officers, and marching through London to voice their opposition to basic decency, Britain’s far-right has become more emboldened by the rise of Reform UK and their normalisation of hatred. With extensive coverage by the BBC, Nigel Farage’s platform for hatred has pushed Britain’s political landscape further to the right, dominating issues such as asylum, immigration, climate scepticism, and opposing what they call “woke politics.”

The Liberal Democrats have long championed causes such as equality, social justice, combating climate change, and adopting a more compassionate and understanding approach to asylum and immigration. Yet, one area we must be more vocal about – an issue we began addressing at the 2025 Conference – is reclaiming the British flag from those who seek to divide our country, demonise those fleeing war, strife, and starvation, and turn Britain into a vassal state for figures like Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin.

There’s a misconception that supporting the flag is merely performative, serving only to play into the far-right’s hands with symbolism alone. But I disagree. The British flag cannot be allowed to remain a symbol of hate.

It stood proudly in victory over the Nazis. It flew as part of a broader European effort to establish peace across the continent. It is a symbol of Britain’s long parliamentary history, from the Magna Carta to universal suffrage, the rule of law, liberal democracy, and NHS internationalism. Doctors and nurses from around the world have made Britain their home, saving lives and enriching our social fabric.

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Why Wales needs open-list PR, not closed-list PR

Next year, the Senedd will take an historic step forward.

For the first time, Wales will elect all of its Members of the Senedd (MSs) through a fully proportional system. For too long, Welsh elections have used a mixed-member voting system that has seen votes wasted, smaller parties squeezed, and many voices under-represented.

But while the destination is welcome, the route being taken is not the best one. Wales is moving to a closed-list proportional representation system, a model that improves fairness between parties but reduces fairness between voters and the individuals who represent them in the Senedd.

If we genuinely believe in liberal democracy, accountability and putting power in the hands of citizens, then Wales must go further. Open-list PR would give voters the voice they deserve.

Where we’re coming from: MMPR

Since the Senedd’s creation, Wales has elected its representatives through a form of Mixed-Member Proportional Representation (MMPR). This gave voters two choices: a local constituency MS (elected by First Past The Post (FPTP)), and a regional party list.

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If Plaid Cymru takes the lead, Welsh Liberal Democrats must be ready to engage

Recent polling carried out ahead of the 2026 Welsh Elections suggests that, for the first time since the inception of a devolved Welsh administration, Labour will not be the largest party, with both Plaid and Reform vying to be the leader of a minority government.

The race to lead the Senedd has yet to begin, but the Welsh Liberal Democrats must consider their place in a Welsh political landscape that, for the first time since 1999, Plaid Cymru could lead the government. I’ll save speculation for a Reform-led Welsh government for another time.

Plaid Cymru’s aim for the longest time was to secede Wales from the UK, and have it rejoin the EU as an independent nation. Its current leader, Rhun ap Iorweth, however, has ruled out plans for independence within the first term of a Plaid Cymru-led government. Plaid’s current policies, according to their website, include securing “fair funding for Wales” from Westminster to invest in areas like public transport and healthcare, implementing an “Essentials Guarantee” scheme to ensure Welsh citizens in need receive “at least the minimum required for their daily life”, and petitioning the UK government to withdraw from the international arms supply trade.

It is fair to say that in quite a few areas, the Welsh Liberal Democrats and Plaid Cymru can find common ground. We both support the strengthening of LGBTQ+ rights, reintegration into the EU, the creation of a National Care Service, and a wide array of climate and environmental policies. It would make sense, should it come to it, for the Welsh Liberal Democrats to work with Plaid Cymru, whether it be a coalition, supply and confidence deal, etc.

The elephant in the room, of course, is the I word: independence. While Plaid’s long-term goal is Welsh Independence, the Liberal Democrats are a federalist party, so in that regard, we do stand in contrast to one another. But herein lies an opportunity to sidestep issues of independence and focus on shared democratic reform.

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Israel and Palestine: a lasting peace

The conflict between Israel and Hamas has been nothing short of horrifying.

Each day, we are confronted with images of devastation, loss of life, and destruction. Innocent Palestinians are perishing, while innocent Israelis are being held as hostages. Anti-war activists in Israel, comprising both Israeli and Palestinian individuals, advocate for a cessation of hostilities. Courageous anti-Hamas residents of Gaza vocally oppose the totalitarian regime that has deprived their region of democratic principles. Liberals and socialists within Israel are urging Prime Minister Netanyahu and his far-right cabinet to resign and to terminate their ongoing assaults on Palestine.

There have been too many stories of survivors of October 7th, how they were starved, beaten and raped by Hamas terrorists. I have seen too many photos of abandoned Hamas hideouts, where evidence of hoarding UN aid from their fellow Palestinians has become apparent. I have read too many accounts of anti-Gazan Hamas protestors, who are so brave to speak up against a regime that would sooner kill them than engage in dialogue, being kidnapped and “disappearing”. I have seen too many videos of starving Palestinian children begging for food and basic needs, only to be met with violence and death.

Prime Minister Netanyahu leads a regime that is determined to pursue the complete eradication of Palestine. His cabinet, characterised by a predominance of hard-right and far-right politicians, adheres to a variant of Zionism that is deeply anchored in extreme conservatism. His political adversaries, namely the Israeli Labour Party and Yesh Atid, have urged Netanyahu to resign and put an end to what they deem a barbaric conflict. Anti-war activists, who have taken to the streets of Tel Aviv advocating for peace and a two-state solution, have called for the removal of the Netanyahu administration.

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The importance of acknowledging mental health, three year on

“In November 2020, I had a breakdown.”

 This was how my op-ed, “The importance of acknowledging mental health,” began. I discussed my mental breakdown and how I couldn’t face the world, and wished that the ground would swallow me up so I wouldn’t have to face another day.

It’s been three years since the piece, and now is a good time to reflect on what’s happened since.

My Sertraline intake has increased and stabilised at 100mg a day. I experimented, with my doctor’s consent, to find the dosage

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Labour, Marxism and the Lib Dems: my journey through Britain’s left-wing

My initial experience with politics was the first time I was able to vote, back in the 2015 General Election. I had just turned 18 and had grown up in a Labour-supporting household. So, instinctively, I voted for Ed Miliband.

I hadn’t understood what politics was all about, but I’ve a distinct memory of watching Gordon Brown on TV and thinking “he seems a nice man”. Looking back, my mum played a large part in my fondness. She was panicking, following the 2008 financial crash, over whether we could continue mortgage payments (she had recently become redundant, leaving my dad as the sole wage earner). The payment freeze Brown implemented prevented us from losing our home. I recall the Tory attacks, introducing the idea of austerity, and my mum describing them as “completely heartless”. She would be right.

Fast forward to 2015, and that wave of admiration I had for Brown carried over to Miliband. I had no idea what he stood for, but I knew he was Labour, like Brown, and that made him right in my eyes. The rest of the country didn’t feel the same, as Cameron’s Conservatives decisively defeated him.

Then came Corbyn, a man I knew nothing about before his leadership. I remembered watching his victory on TV, asking my mum, “Who’s that old man?” She didn’t know either, saying, “he must be some fringe backbencher.” Again, I voted for Labour, but this time from a “well, they’re not the Tories” sentiment. Still left-wing, I never quite felt at home under Corbyn, as I found him to be further left than I was comfortable with. Nonetheless, I gave him a chance.

His performance in the 2017 General Election filled me with hope that we might see a left-wing government after years of Tory misrule. By the end of 2019, however, any hope that Labour or the left at large would return to government had ended.

A few months later, COVID hit. With all the free time I now had, I decided to explore political theory beyond the Labour-Tory binary. I began with autobiographies; my first, and to this day, my favourite, was Denis Healey’s “Time Of My Life”.

It was around this time that I also discovered TikTok and, more importantly, the far-left political community on the platform. I had heard of communism before, but had never really paid much attention to it. Yet here I was, watching video after video of engaging creators breaking down political theory into digestible thirty-second snippets.

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Labour’s Embrace of Trickle Down Economics: An Open Goal for Lib Dem Opposition

A few “political open goals” have been facing the Lib Dems recently, from the firing of Christine Jardine from the front bench (covered wonderfully by Lib Dem Voice’s own Mathew Hulbert) to Unite the Union suspending Angela Rayner over Labour’s lack of open support for striking bin workers.

We can now add another open goal to the list: Labour’s embrace of “trickle-down economics”.

As reported by The Guardian, Rachel Reeves plans to scrap regulations introduced by Gordon Brown, Keir Starmer’s predecessor, to mitigate the impact of the 2008 financial crash on households. Chaitanya Kumar of the New Economics Foundation has criticised the move, calling the situation Groundhog Day, questioning the decision to expect the financial sector to do “most of the heavy lifting in terms of growth”.

We’ve seen how Prime Ministers have fared with trickle-down economics in recent times, with former Prime Minister Liz Truss being removed from office after less than 50 days in power for introducing a budget that sought to scrap banker bonuses, abolish the top rate of income tax, and reverse any increase on corporation tax.

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Labour infighting, Lib Dem opportunity

Another week brings another public disagreement between Labour’s leaders and the trade unions that once formed the backbone of their movement.

This time, Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner faces criticism after being suspended by Unite the Union for not supporting striking bin workers in Birmingham.

Unite’s general secretary, Sharon Graham, was clear: “We will call out bad employers regardless of the colour of their rosette.” Graham argued that the Labour-run Birmingham Council has let its workers down, and Rayner, who had “every opportunity to intervene and resolve this dispute,” instead sided with the council. There’s a sense of déjà vu here, with Labour’s old tendency to look the other way when problems occur closer to home.

For those of us who believe in social justice and strong local government, the question that naturally comes to mind is: “Which side are you on?” But as this latest episode unfolds, it’s apparent that Labour’s leadership’s answer is: its own side.

There is a precedent for Labour figures speaking out when their party is in the wrong. Neil Kinnock’s well-known rebuke to Militant Liverpool in 1985 is a notable example. However, nowadays, it seems more about posturing than principle.

Labour’s internal disputes shouldn’t just be entertainment for outsiders. They have real impacts on communities, services, and working people. As one of Rayner’s allies said, she’s “not interested in silly stunts… she’s interested in changing workers’ lives.” Yet, while Labour leaders argue among themselves, workers’ pay and conditions are left neglected. Some suggest that Unite’s actions and Sharon Graham’s ambitions ahead of a leadership election are the same. But for Birmingham’s residents, this political drama hardly offers solace.

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Freedom

The Liberal Democrats exist to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society, in which we seek to balance the fundamental values of liberty, equality and community, and in which no one shall be enslaved by poverty, ignorance or conformity.

This is what can be found on the back of every Lib Dem membership card. The part I want to focus on in this piece is the point regarding a “fair, free and open society”. One person’s concept of freedom may differ from another’s. I would like to take this opportunity to discuss it.

Freedom is the right of an individual in this country to vote. Freedom is the right of an individual to own property. Freedom is the right of an individual, so long as they follow the law and do no harm to others, to live their life as they see fit.

Freedom is a regulated market that allows small businesses to prosper alongside multinational corporations. Freedom is empowering a community to take ownership of its energy provisions, its pubs, its community centres, and its future. Freedom is the ability to trade freely and easily with our neighbours, in Europe and the world.

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