The Anglo-Saxon version of authoritarian populism is ‘plutocratic populism’, or pluto-populism . A Princeton professor described it, in the Financial Times last week, as ‘consisting of policies that mostly benefit the top 1%, in combination with relentless culture wars which distract from economic ideas’. Trump is, of course, the model that he and others are describing. But we have faced a similar phenomenon in the UK, and we need to think carefully about how to combat it here.
Money, media and loose electoral regulation fuel pluto-populism. The US Supreme Court’s decision to free political fundraising from the constraints that Democratic Administrations had enacted has entrenched the power of money in US politics. Right-wing billionaires, benefitting from lax rules on foundations and favourable taxes, fund think tanks and lobbies. The Murdoch press has also fuelled its rise, above all through Fox News, with its relentless attacks on ‘the liberal elite’, its openness to conspiracy theories and its willingness to support ‘alternative facts.’ Trump rose to political prominence through television, and has exploited social media to consolidate his appeal.
Constraints on spending in British politics have not yet broken down, but in recent elections and in the 2016 Referendum the rules have been successfully bent. Conservative HQ sent targeted mailings and media messages to marginal seats, not accounted for under constituency expenditure. Semi-autonomous bodies mounted media campaigns to underpin Tory messages and to influence voters away from other candidates. Peter Geoghegan, in Democracy for Sale (2020, well worth reading), tells us that ‘College Green Group’, run by the son of a wealthy Tory MP, placed pro-SNP messages in Jo Swinson’s constituency and pro-Labour ones in LibDem target seats in the South-West, as well as similar negative messages in Caroline Lucas’s seat.